VI E T NA M A R C H I V E
And Thailand's Foreign Minister Surin Pitsuwan has warned that a December meeting between the Association of Southeast Asian Nations & European Union, already delayed for more than two years because of the E.U.'s refusal to meet with Burmese officials, could be scuttled because of the latest crackdown.
… According to Josef Silverstein, Rutgers Univ. Burma expert, junta isn't likely to engage in serious reform until it undergoes a leadership shakeout, which could possibly take place during the annual military reshuffle in November. The new guard "may be willing to make a deal with Suu Kyi … With NLD leaders under the gun, any deal the generals might offer will be strictly on their own terms

  Time
    drugs ¹
    Business is blooming
    Myanmar = Asia's first narco-state
    1.23.97   A.Davis & B.Hawke ASIAWEEK
In opium rich hills of Myanmar's northeast, the more things change the more they seem to stay the same. Back in the early 1970s, Lo Hsing-han was a celebrated figure in the Asian drug trade. From a fortified villa in the town of Lashio, the ethnic Chinese warlord ran a powerful govt backed militia as well as convoys of opium from northern Shan state south to heroin refineries along the Thai border. Across rugged Golden Triangle and as far south as Bangkok, Lo Hsing-han was a name to reckon with. 25 years, it still is. … If anything, he's far more powerful, infinitely more wealthy, and these days positively respectable politically. From a gracious home in Myanmar's capital Yangon, Lo runs one of Myanmar's largest business conglomerates with interests in real estate, manufacturing, export-import and construction that includes key infrastructure projects. Serving as an ethnic affairs adviser to military junta chief Lt.-Gen. Khin Nyunt, his political connections go straight to the top. … Heroin production is close to an all-time high, while narco-profits flood the economy. … "Those guys were once beyond the reach of the central authorities," says an anti-narcotics official. "Now they are right downtown."
… In 1989, the junta dropped a policy of confiscating bank deposits & foreign currency of dubious origin. Instead it opted for a "whitening tax" on questionable repatriated funds levied first at 40% and since reduced to 25%. Equally significant, in early 1993, de facto legalization of black- market exchange rate took place and narco-funds previously held in Bangkok, Singapore and Hong Kong flooded back into Myanmar. … Since late 1995, Kyone Yeom has established a nationwide financial operation widely viewed as a thinly disguised money-laundering vehicle. The scheme involves a subsidiary, the National Races Cooperative Society, offering a startling 7% interest per month, or 84% per annum, on term deposits, … good in a country where finance companies have no legal standing and where only banks are permitted to offer interest, currently capped at 16% a year. But then as one Kyone Yeom employee cheerfully pointed out: "They're the Wa! They can do anything they want."

… In 1992, Lo founded family flagship company Asia World with his Western-educated son, Steven Law aka Htun Myint Naing as managing director. Since then, Asia World & subsidiaries expanded from import-export & trading base into bus transport, housing & hotel construction, a supermarket chain, manufacturing and major infrastructure projects, notably Yangon port development and upgrading the highway between Mandalay and Muse on Chinese border. … The Lo family has enduring connection with Singaporean business figures, and Steven Law is a frequent visitor to the island republic. … In 1996, Steven was added to list of those refused U.S. visas for suspected involvement in narcotics trafficking.
… another insurgent group, Kachin Defense Army, rules its own enclave in one of richest opium-producing areas in the north. Armed with govt-issued "special permits," KDA trucks run consignments of opium & refined heroin on behalf of Kokang Chinese producers to the border of India's Manipur state, an export route now preferred to the increasingly risky Chinese border. Heroin refineries also operate in the Indian border area. … After surrendering to govt in January 1996, Khun Sa gave up jungle rigors for comfortable villa in Yangon, where he re- invented himself as something more than a "liberation-fighter." Khun Sa is far from retired; in opium country his armed loyalists still operate in his original Loi Maw fiefdom, as well as on the Thai border. Khun Sa's 39-year-old second son, Sam Heung, now oversees operations near his father's old Thai border base. …

"The regime feels it has the upper hand on the traffickers and can force them to use their money for the good of the country," says a veteran Western narcotics official. … corruption-riddled regime as able or willing to force well-entrenched narco-mafia to become respectable businessmen is naive. … "They feel they have the generals in their pockets." … At unit level, military complicity in both narcotics production & transport has been long-standing, … junta is increasingly dependent on narco-dollars to keep a floundering economy above water. …

    CIA station chief betrays agent
    4.12.01 Dan Russell burmanet2- 1
IMF study pointed out Burma's foreign exchange reserves for 1991 through 1993 were only about $300 million, but that the Burma Army purchased arms valued at $1.2 billion during the period. … Horn's reports were intercepted by Embassy Chargé d'Affaires Franklin Huddle, who insisted that Horn change the report's conclusions. Horn had insisted, as had Prince Lu, that political protection combined with subsidized crop substitution, rather than coercion, was the way to wean the Wa from opium. This, of course, threatened SLORC control of Wa territory. Huddle & his CIA operatives also bugged Horn's phone. Huddle quoted Horn's private phone conversations with his DEA superiors back in Washington verbatim in his State Dept communications.
… 9.12.96 class action lawsuit in DC's Federal District Court, alleging the CIA, the National Security Agency and the State Dept illegally surveilled him and the numerous other DEA agents who joined him in the suit. Obviously political control of the DEA, to some extent, is at stake in this groundbreaking lawsuit. Horn's response to my request for more information underscores that:

"I would like to help you … However, I have been put under threat of prosecution if I reveal classified information. My attorney & I take that threat seriously. The concerned agencies have interpreted 'classified information' in the broadest possible sense. Moreover, the CIA has lobbed 'scud missiles' filled with accusations about me to DEA. This, in turn, has resulted in an OPR (Office of Professional Responsibility) investigation that has lasted for nearly FOUR years. And finally, ALL information that I distribute concerning this matter is now routed through the Court Security Officer (under the Justice Dept) before I circulate it. The Court Security Officer then arranges for the other agencies, ie., the CIA, NSA and DOS to 'suggest' changes. The changes that I have made concern ONLY classification matters, not facts or substance. Beyond all of this, DEA MUST approve my public comments and all my contacts with the media."

Nasty Job for Task Force 399
4.19.00   R. Tasker & B. Lintner Far East Economic Rvw

BANGKOK & CHIANG MAI   U.S. Special Forces are about to join Thailand's war on drugs from Burma; tense border & geopolitical pressures complicate their mission. They're not related but the timing may be a bad portent. As Beijing & Washington wrangle over a U.S. spy plane, U.S. troops are starting to move into northern Thailand relatively close to the Chinese border. The vast majority are preparing for the annual Thai-U.S. Cobra Gold military exercises in May. But some U.S. Special Forces in the same area are more stealthily joining what will be known as Task Force 399. Some 5,000 U.S. troops will come to Thailand to take part in Cobra Gold, the biggest joint U.S. military exercise in Asia this year and a handful will stay to join the war on drugs. The U.S. military has mounted low-level military training missions in Thailand under a programme called Baker Torch for several years. But the new, more secretive Task Force 399 involvement will be its most important in the kingdom.
The task force's goal is to stem an enormous flow of drugs, particularly methamphetamines, smuggled from Burma into Thailand. About 20 U.S. soldiers from the 1st Special Forces Group serving as instructors will join 100 Thai Special Forces men, two infantry companies of about 100 men each and 100 Border Patrol Police to make up the task force, according to senior Thai & foreign security officials. Once in place, the U.S. Special Forces will be nearly 200 kilometres by road from the Chinese border. The U.S. instructors will officially start operating with the 3rd Army in May and join the task force in October. The cross-border flood of methamphetamines, mainly from laboratories in areas controlled by the Wa ethnic minority in Burma's Shan state, has reached a crisis point for the Thais. Up to 800 million tablets are expected to inundate Thailand this year. Concern at how fast this is undermining society in an old U.S. ally prompted the Americans to act, says a Western diplomat.

15,000-strong United Wa State Army, which is aligned with Rangoon, is accused by Thai anti- narcotics agencies of being the chief maker of the methamphetamine tablets. At the same time, tension is high on the Thai-Burmese border following a clash near the border town of Mae Sai in February in which dozens of Burmese troops were killed. As one Bangkok-based foreign intelligence official says, the mission for the United States is "a high-risk game, given fragile Thai- Burma relations on the border." It is also a gamble given similar, but much larger and still growing, U.S. military involvement to stamp out drugs production in Colombia. Critics in the U.S. Congress are warning the U.S. could be sucked into a bloody civil war there if U.S. troops are gradually drawn into battle with narco-guerrillas.

    similar references ¹ ²
    How junta protects Mr. Heroin
    Links between Burma drug barons & repressive regime that trumpets tough anti-drugs policy
    4.8.01   John Sweeney THE OBSERVER
… Burma's godfather of heroin, Lo Hsing Han … receives protection from the Burmese junta which proclaims it is cracking down on heroin and his Singapore money-laundering operation. Lo & his American-educated son, Steven Law, also known as Htun Myint Naing, come & go freely between the island state and Burma, running their Asia World combine upmarket front for one of the world's biggest heroin rackets. Business is about to get even better. The decision that opium-farming in Afghanistan is 'un-Islamic' has led to a cut in opium growing from 200,000 acres in the two key provinces to just 25. Burma 'China White' heroin will fill drop in supply of 'Afghan Brown'.
… Lo's protectors, Burmese generals who run the State Peace & Development Council (popularly known by former title, Slorc), play very rough with anyone who gets in the way of Heroin Inc. When prince of the Wa people Saw Lu, opposed to the heroin trade, informed the U.S. DEA about drug trafficking activities of regional army intelligence chief Major Than Aye, word got back to the junta. According to a DEA report, Saw Lu was held upside down for 56 days with an electric lead attached to his penis. His torturers poured urine on his face; he was beaten with chains; his captors tormented him by throwing him down next to an empty, freshly dug grave. Saw Lu's life was spared. Others have not been so lucky. The heroin shipment Saw Lu reported to the DEA was destined for Lo. Major Than Aye supervised the torture. For his diligence he was promoted to a high position in Slorc.

Lo has made so many millions from heroin that he built & runs Rangoon's main port. 2 years ago Australian police seized a ship carrying almost half a ton of heroin originating in Burma. a huge find, enough to give every man, woman and child in Australia a hit of heroin. The street price of heroin in Sydney did not change by a cent. The plainest evidence of the closeness between Slorc and Lo's heroin empire emerged at the 1995 wedding of his son, Steven Law, to Singaporean businesswoman Cecilia Ng. Guest of honour was Hotels & Tourism Minister Lt.Gen Kyaw Ba, accompanied by 3 other Slorc generals & 4 Cabinet Ministers.
Law is Asia World Co. Ltd managing dir. Started in 1992, it reports 'authorised capital' to be about $40 million. It put estimated $200m into construction projects around Rangoon. Asia World is running a joint venture with Slorc, building & running the main new port in Rangoon that handles 90% of Burma's exports. Asia World also runs a supermarket chain, Burma's biggest bus company ( good cover to ship product ) and a plastic bag factory. To make plastic bags, Lo imports large quantities of acetic anhydride. The other use of acetic anhydride is the manufacture of heroin.

Millions laundered in Singapore from plush office suite on Shenton House 10th floor in heart of Singapore's business district. Singapore company registry lists 2 companies run by Law, neither called Asia World. But the giveaway is a large display sign in Shenton House front office depicting globe with letters A & W. In past 10 years Singapore has executed at least 100 drug traffickers for possession of small amounts of heroin, according to Amnesty International but lets at least one Mr Big scot-free.

    People of the Opiate:
    12.2.96   D.Bernstein & L.Kean The Nation
    5.7.01 update
… According to Benjamin Min, Lu continued to work on opium eradication although warned during his torture to terminate any relationship with the D.E.A. In 1993, Lu gave D.E.A. special agent Richard Horn a document titled "The Bondage of Opium: The Agony of the Wa People, a Proposal and Plea." In his plea, Lu outlined specific steps needed to promote opium eradication among the Wa farmers, who provide 80% of Burma's opium crop. The Wa, an ethnic minority of 1 million, live in a remote area of Burma's Shan State where there are no roads, no educational system, no medical clinics and electricity for less than 10% of families. Even though Wa farmers grow one of most sought-after crops, they remain among world's poorest peoples. Lu knew any hope of change had to include a serious plan for crop substitution. "Like the heroin addicts that result from the opium, we too are in bondage. We are searching for help to break that bondage," he wrote in his proposal to the D.E.A.

Communications between D.E.A.'s Rangoon office & higher officials in Washington reveal agent Horn had every intention of working with the Wa people to implement Lu's proposal. But for reasons that remain unclear, C.I.A. & State Dept had other ideas. D.E.A. Sensitive e-mails state that former C.I.A. chief of station Arthur Brown "destroyed this project in one swift move." According to the e-mails, Brown delivered an early version of the Wa proposal signed by Lu to SLORC military intelligence officer Col. Kyaw Thein. When Thein threatened to pick up Lu once more and teach him a lesson in respect, Horn was able to intervene temporarily. In Horn's view, the C.I.A. destroyed a unique opportunity for a dramatic drug eradication program in the poppy fields of the world's biggest heroin producer. (Horn, now a D.E.A. group supervisor in New Orleans, is suing the C.I.A., claiming it illegally surveilled his residence in Rangoon to gain information about his plans, which the C.I.A. went on to foil.)
In Sept. 1993, Horn was forced out of the country by the State Dept under pressure from the C.I.A. The plans of the Wa prince & his chief deputy, Benjamin Min, were crushed. A year later, Min risked his life to take the Wa Proposal & Plea to policy-makers in Washington. Before he left, the SLORC hatched a series of unsuccessful assassination plots. In his sworn testimony to the INS, which won him U.S. asylum , Min states, "Their aim was to assassinate the Wa leaders, specifically U Saw Lu and myself as his chief deputy."

… Burma is by far the largest exporter in the region, providing more than 50% of world's supply. … Burma's national company Myanmar Oil & Gas Enterprise (MOGE) was "the main channel for laundering revenues of heroin produced & exported under control of Burmese army." In a business deal signed with the French oil giant Total in 1992, and later joined by Unocal, MOGE received $15 million payment. "Despite the fact that MOGE has no assets besides limited installments of foreign partners and makes no profit, and that the Burmese state never had the capacity to allocate any currency credit to MOGE, the Singapore bank accounts of this company have seen the transfer of hundreds of millions of US dollars,"   Bertil Lintner, noted authority on Burma's drug trade,

… Along with Lo Hsing Han & Khun Sa, other ethnic drug traffickers have also benefited from good relationships with the Rangoon junta, according to this spring's State Dept Narcotics Report. Following a list of the names of 8 top traffickers from the Shan, Kachin and Wa areas, the report points out SLORC has given these individuals "significant political legitimacy" by referring to them as "leaders of national races." Several of them handpicked to help write the nation's new Constitution. SLORC refused a U.S. offer of $2 million to extradite Khun Sa to stand trial here. (Khun Sa was indicted in U.S. federal court Dec. 1989 on charges of smuggling more than $350 million worth of heroin into U.S. between 1986 & 1988.) … monthly, per-acre extortion forces villagers to continue farming opium simply to be able to meet the tax quota, thereby keeping them dependent on the cash crop. If villagers do not deliver, their livestock is confiscated, family members are held for ransom or they are taken away as forced labor on infrastructure projects. The less lucky ones, usually the village headmen, are arrested & tortured.

"The reason the Burmese say not to grow rice is that if you grow rice you have to give some to the rebel groups & others, and you have to get your rice milled," he said. "So they say just grow opium and you can easily get money & buy your rice. The military will buy the opium." All over Burma, rural communities are succumbing to the supplies of cheap heroin distributed unchecked in their villages. … Reports the Shan Herald Agency for News. "Amphetamines & heroin are bought & sold like vegetables from roadside peddlers."

… "Only since 1988 SLORC takeover have chemicals needed to refine the purest grades of heroin become available in Burma's most remote areas," states a drug eradication proposal presented by the people of Wa State to the Intl Conference on Drugs in Portugal in March. … jade mines of remote Kachin State. Managers of the SLORC-owned mines, some in joint ventures with Chinese businessmen, give workers option of receiving compensation in hard drugs rather than cash. " … heroin is cultural genocide for eliminating large portions of a volatile minority that has strong sentiments against the govt," stated a U.S. human rights investigator who managed to penetrate restricted areas. Michael Jala Maran, exec. dir. Pan Kachin Development Society, … Needle sharing, proliferation of brothels, dearth of public education and virtually no medical care created an explosion in AIDS cases, & highest H.I.V. infection rates in China & India lie right at their Burma border. …


There is no such civil war in Thailand, but just across its borders are both sensitive Burma & China, Rangoon's only major ally & main arms supplier. The Wa are equipped with Chinese weapons, and are helping Beijing build a road network through Burma to the Burmese coast. China deals with the Wa because they are the dominant ethnic force in northeast Burma. Most recently, Thai intelligence officials say the Wa acquired sophisticated HN-5N surface-to-air missiles from China. They may have come from the black market, but for the arms to reach Burma, officials in China must, at very least, have turned a blind eye.

Task Force 399 is supposed to confront drug traffickers in Thailand only and the U.S. Special Forces will only be instructors. Leadership of anti-narcotics operations was taken from the police and given to the northern-based 3rd Army by former Prime Minister Chuan Leekpai in October 1998. The U.S. component adds to the Thai military's role on the frontline of what is Thailand's biggest national security problem.
Thai officials say the Americans are keen to stop the Wa manufacturing and smuggling drugs, though Task Force 399 will be based in Thailand, at Mae Rim village, just north of the major town of Chiang Mai. Senior Thai officers & U.S. officials are reluctant even to confirm the existence of the task force. The Americans only stress their role in training the 3rd Army, and that the task force will help interdict drug traffickers inside Thailand. Thai security officials say the force will have the latest night-vision and radar equipt, backed by two American-made Black Hawk helicopters.
In October the 3 year mandate given to the army by Chuan expires. It is unclear what will happen to anti-drugs operations under new Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra. But the new U.S. role worries some of the more nationalistic in the Thai military. "This is raising some concern among progressive ranking officers," says Panitan Wattanayagorn, a Chulalongkorn University military affairs scholar and former security adviser to Chuan. "They are not too happy. They also know this is not a war that can be easily fought."

MUDDY BORDER SITUATION
Maj.-Gen. Anu Sumitra, the 3rd Army intelligence chief, says the task force will not confront Burmese troops but will stay on the Thai side of the border. Even with such assurances, Panitan warns: "There is an increasing risk of confrontation, but both sides stand to lose from confrontation. The govt must not make the Burmese feel we are representing the West." At an April 4 news conference following a meeting in Burma of the Regional Border Committee, Lt.-Gen. Wattanachai Chaimuanwong, the 3rd Army's commander, appeared pleased that Burmese generals, whom he had repeatedly criticized for alleged involvement in the drug trade, were now being cooperative. He quoted the Burmese as promising to destroy drug laboratories identified by the Thais and to allow verification of the destruction by "unbiased" media. Was Wattanachai only reflecting the position of new Defence Minister Chavalit Yongchaiyudh, who boasts of his good relations with the Burmese military junta? A senior army officer involved in the talks says Wattanachai was sincere. "I think the Burmese have their internal problems, including a poor economy, and the border drugs situation has become common knowledge so they need friends, particularly the Thais," the officer says.
By internal problems, he is referring to the power struggle between Burmese army commander Gen. Maung Aye and the junta's first secretary, Lt.-Gen. Khin Nyunt. Whether this will affect the task force's future and the Thai army's anti-drug operations remains to be seen. Says Panitan: "I think academics and the media know the situation well, and are watching Chavalit closely." The Thai military has a list of about 60 drug laboratories, mainly controlled by the Wa, in Burma. A day after his return Wattanachai cheekily sent the Burmese the locations of 3 such sites, though observers think it inconceivable that Rangoon doesn't know where the labs are. Thai officers say that Khin Nyunt is particularly close to the Wa. In contrast, Wattanachai told the REVIEW in December, "Maung Aye despises the Wa." Senior Thai military officers say they believe Maung Aye is wary of Khin Nyunt's influence over the Wa army. They say Maung Aye recently sent light infantry into eastern Shan state both as a show of force against the Thais and to undermine Khin Nyunt's power base. The officers say that the move is also viewed as an attempt to contain the Wa fighters, whom Maung Aye would dearly like to disarm.


    State Dept
Donna Miller
    refugees
HRWatch 8.00

Vietnam calls O.C. group terrorists
U.S. urged to rein in refugees accused of Asia bombing attempts; they term themselves govt in exile
10.21.01   Scott Martelle & Mai Tran
L.A.Times

As the U.S. presses its war against terrorism, Vietnam is demanding that American officials extend the crackdown to an immigrant group they say has sponsored SE Asian bombing attempts from its headquarters in a nondescript Garden Grove office building. The group, which calls itself the Govt of Free Vietnam, consists largely of former S. Vietnamese soldiers & bureaucrats who, more than a quarter-century after the fall of Saigon, refuse to accept the Communist regime as the ruler of their native land. Members of the group say they have spent 6 years organizing jungle training camps in Thailand & Laos and that some of them have mounted unsuccessful bomb attempts against Vietnamese govt facilities. Hanoi last week called on the U.S. to "collaborate with Vietnam in stopping & punishing the masterminds and those who plan terrorist acts against the Vietnamese govt & its people."

The demand came after FBI agents arrested a member of the group, Van Duc Vo, 41, at John Wayne Airport in Orange County on Oct. 12 after Thai police named him the main suspect in an attempted bombing of the Vietnamese embassy in Bangkok this summer. Vo, a naturalized American citizen formerly of El Monte, remains jailed on charges of use of a weapon of mass destruction by a U.S. national in a foreign country, a federal crime that could carry a life term. The State Dept had no official response to Vietnam's demand, but a spokesman said the U.S. govt "has concerns about the possibility of people violating our laws, and we've warned them not to do it." He referred questions about Free Vietnam to the Justice Dept & the FBI, where officials declined to comment.

Vietnam has asked the U.S. to bring terrorism charges against the group's leader, former civil engineer Chanh Huu Nguyen, 52. "Many times [group members] have organized bombings in Vietnam and against its agencies abroad," said Thuy Thanh Phan, spokeswoman for the Vietnamese Dept of Foreign Affairs. "Vietnam has asked the U.S. to stop harboring, tolerating or supporting that group. It should punish those who commit terrorist acts on Vietnam . . . like Nguyen & his group." Until Vo's arrest, Free Vietnam was little known outside the Vietnamese community. So far, its most clear-cut success seems to have been in annoying the Vietnamese govt. The group considers itself to be Vietnam's legitimate govt in exile, complete with a "cabinet" that meets frequently. But some dismiss it as irrelevant, and suggest that it is just a vehicle for Nguyen's personal ambitions. At least one supporter said he loaned the organization $50,000 and never has been repaid.

Nguyen walks a fine line. Overall, he is defiant, saying Free Vietnam members acting on their own have been involved in bomb attacks against Vietnamese interests. He vowed that his group would continue to select targets within Vietnam. "We can destroy factories; we can destroy ammunition," he said. Yet he also describes himself as a "peaceful political fighter for my country's democracy & freedom. . . . Vietnam is taking advantage of the terrorist situation by claiming that I'm a terrorist." The Vietnamese govt has tried to play off the 9.11.01 to kindle a sense of outrage that the U.S. could be harboring terrorists on its own soil while it bombs Afghanistan in its quest to destroy Osama bin Laden's Al Qaeda terrorist network. "It would be absolutely hypocritical for us to expect world cooperation against a group that attacked us if we were not willing to cooperate in going after groups attacking other countries," said Harvard Univ.'s Kennedy Ctr on Govt intl politics professor Stephen M. Walt. Though it is not illegal for U.S. citizens to call for the overthrow of a foreign govt, it is against the law for Americans to become involved in the effort to do so. Reports of Americans taking part in anti-govt attacks in Cambodia last November, and other unspecified actions elsewhere in the region, led to a special State Dept warning Dec. 19 that Americans could be prosecuted for acts against foreign govts.

It is illegal to raise money in the U.S. for overseas terror campaigns, although the practice by organizations ranging from the Irish Republican Army to the militant Islamic group Hamas has been noted for years. Law enforcement efforts to stop it occur sporadically but are difficult to pull off, experts say. Earlier this year, a New York group linked to anti-Arab Israeli groups was raided by federal officials who confiscated computers & records. And in 1998, federal officials in Chicago seized about $1.1 million from Mohammed Salah and the Quranic Literacy Institute after accusing them of fronting for Hamas. Syracuse Univ. law professor & expert on national security law Wm Banks said terrorism cases can be difficult to mount, requiring complex investigations domestically & overseas, where U.S. laws don't apply. Yet the evidence still has to be gathered in such a way that it's admissible in U.S. courts. "You do need to track evidence and build a case as if it occurred in New York or Los Angeles," he said. Nguyen said it would be unfair for the U.S. to arrest him at the request of Vietnam. "I haven't done anything wrong in America," he said. Nguyen, sitting at the head of a large table in a brightly lit Free Vietnam conference room, said his group is not terrorist because it operates openly and avoids injuring people. "Terrorists don't have addresses; they work underground and they kill people," Nguyen said in his loud & raspy voice as a dozen members of Free Vietnam's "cabinet" listened from the other end of the table.

The Govt of Free Vietnam came together in 1995 out of the remnants of earlier opposition groups, launched largely through the force of Nguyen's personality. Their base now is Little Saigon in the heart of Orange County, home to the nation's largest Vietnamese community. Nguyen clearly enjoys the spotlight. A picture of him shaking hands with former President Bill Clinton hangs on a wall of the Free Vietnam office, and he keeps a binder with copies of news stories in which he was featured. Verifiable details on the group are hard to come by. Nguyen said it has a budget of about $1 million a year, mostly from wealthy Vietnamese businessmen around the world and the group's cabinet, some of whom sold their homes & businesses to raise money. Nguyen claims about 200,000 members worldwide, about half in Cambodia & Vietnam, and about 10,000 members in the U.S.. But in the past, the organization has reported only a few thousand members worldwide. The group positions itself as the keeper of the chain of governance established in the 1940s, when France granted the former colony its independence and set in motion the events that led to nearly 3 decades of war. Nguyen said the group opened training camps in the jungle near the Thai-Cambodian border in 1995, geared toward indoctrinating Vietnamese citizens in democracy & free-market economics.

In 1998, Cambodian forces attacked a Free Vietnam convention at the remote camp, which was then shut down by Thai military forces, according to Nguyen & press accounts. Three people were reported wounded and Nguyen was arrested & deported. The group simply moved its operations to a remote region of Laos near the Vietnamese border, where it operates unfettered, he said. Nguyen said members were involved in the summer incident in Bangkok, in which 2 bombs were placed at the Vietnamese embassy but did not detonate. A second embassy bombing plot involving a Free Vietnam member was uncovered in Manila. Nguyen said he didn't authorize those actions but described them as bomb scares, not real attempts to blow up buildings. Vo, arrested 10.12.00 at John Wayne Airport in connection with the Bangkok incident, was described by the FBI in court papers as a member of an unspecified Orange County-based anti-Communist group that "wanted to overthrow the Vietnamese regime." Thai police said Vo was a member of Free Vietnam's military wing. Nguyen said he spoke by telephone with Vo soon after the bombs were discovered. "I asked Mr. Vo, who reported to me, and he said 'No, it's a bomb scare, boss; it's not real,' " Nguyen said. Nguyen also said he personally directed the timing of failed attempts to blow up Communist statues in Can Tho, a southern Vietnamese city, in 1999. In an ensuing roundup, the Vietnamese govt in May sentenced 37 Free Vietnam members & supporters to as many as 20 years in prison. Despite being wanted by Vietnamese officials, Nguyen said he has made repeated trips into the Communist- controlled country by slipping across the Laotian border.

Until Vo's arrest, the group's one run-in with authorities in the U.S. occurred in 1998, when the California Dept of Corporations ordered Free Vietnam to stop selling bonds to raise money because it lacked the proper permits. Nguyen denied any wrongdoing. He also rejects claims by some former group members that he never repaid money they had lent the effort. Van Tran, 59, of Arleta said he lent $50,000 to the group while he served as "secretary of commerce" after being promised he would be reimbursed. He said he wasn't. "I was so willing to sacrifice anything for the freedom of my homeland that I didn't know I was getting ripped off," Tran said. "I just wanted to get rid of the Communists." Former S. Vietnamese soldier Huy Thanh Nguyen, 60, sold his sewing business in New Jersey 5 years ago to move to Westminster and join the organization because "I really thought the group had a true mission to wipe out communism in my homeland." He said Nguyen, who is not related, told him of armed, trained soldiers waiting in Thailand to overthrow the Vietnamese Communists. When he visited the camp, though, he saw only about 20 people, including some former soldiers. "I didn't see anything that he had been telling us about," Huy Thanh Nguyen said.

Vietnam criticizes 3 O.C. officials for pushing rival flag   The emigres, who favor flying the banner of the former South Vietnam, are accused of sowing discord, a charge they reject.   4.22.03   Mai Tran L.A. Times

Vietnam govt has condemned 3 prominent members of Orange County's Vietnamese community, branding them "overseas extremists" for promoting public displays of the flag of the former South Vietnam. The South Vietnamese banner is being flown alongside the U.S. flag on utility poles along the streets of Westminster's Little Saigon and in parts of Santa Ana & Garden Grove, with the unveiling of a Vietnam War memorial statue in Westminster set for Sunday and with the 28th anniversary of the fall of Saigon on April 30.
Vietnam's consul general in San Francisco Nguyen Manh Hung accused Westminster City Councilman Andy Quach, Garden Grove Councilman Van Thai Tran, and Garden Grove Unified School Dist. board member Lan Quoc Nguyen of "intentionally sowing discord among the Vietnamese community." He also named Boat People SOS exec. dir. Thang Dinh Nguyen in Merrifield, VA.
"Their actions are unacceptable and strongly rejected by the Vietnamese people, incl the Vietnamese community" in U.S.", Hung said in a written statement issued Thursday.

All 4 have promoted the flying of the yellow banner with three horizontal red stripes, and oppose doing business with Vietnam until that govt adopts democratic measures. Vietnam's govt has expressed opposition to other stands taken in the staunchly anti-Communist immigrant community of Orange County, home to the largest population of Vietnamese outside the Southeast Asian nation. But Hung's statement marked the first time that govt has criticized anyone by name.
Lan Quoc Nguyen said that he and the others believe they are on a Vietnamese govt "hit list" but that they don't fear reprisals because they don't plan to return to their homeland unless democracy is restored. The debate over which flag to fly arose first in Virginia in January and has spread to Orange County, San Jose and Washington state, where city officials have unanimously approved resolutions to banish the flag of Vietnam, a red banner with a gold star. Instead, the flag of the former South Vietnam will be the official choice at relevant events.

While the resolutions have no effect on foreign policy, Vietnam's govt has expressed outrage and complained to Gov. Gray Davis, noting that U.S. & Vietnam are trying to improve relations. "This runs counter to the development of the relationship for mutual interest of the Vietnamese & U.S.," Hung said in his written statement.
Vietnam's Ministry of Foreign Affairs spokesman Bach Ngoc Chien in Wash.D.C., said Monday that he has received many calls of support from Vietnamese Americans who oppose flying the South Vietnamese flag. "The war is over and it has been more than a quarter of a century now. There's no point now for them to cause discord among the Vietnamese community," Chien said. "We, the Vietnamese people all over the world, look for a bright future for the country."

Lan Quoc Nguyen said he & his Vietnamese colleagues reject such criticism and compared Hung to Iraq's former minister of information, who had insisted that his country was winning the war even as U.S. forces were entering Baghdad. "Like the Iraqi talking head, those Vietnamese characters frequently say things without any regard for the truth, validity or consequences of their statements," Nguyen said. "We don't dignify ourselves to respond to some statement that certainly does not have any weight or effect in the real world."


HO CHI MINH CITY   It's Sunday, Dec. 16, moments before 6 a.m. I'm sleeping like a dead man. In my suitcase on the credenza in my hotel room is a copy of UC Irvine's "World Values Survey 2001 - Vietnam." Back home in Orange County, the study, released in late November, has become a Little Saigon controversy for its conclusion that Vietnamese are overwhelmingly content with their lives and with the Communist regime that controls their country and its Third World economy. I'm blocks from the bright lights of the tourist district, curious American ex-GIs in their late 40s and 50s and expense-account businessmen from South Korea, China, Japan and the West. They're told as often as they're awake that modern Vietnam is vibrant, free, democratic. And with your American Express card, you can accomplish the miraculous: you can make all the counterevidence disappear, transforming Vietnam into a consumer-oriented, cell-phoned, Internet-ready, BMW-driven advertisement for the New Economy.

I'm far from all that, in the second-floor room of a modest govt-run hotel in a Ho Chi Minh City neighborhood tourists rarely see. Outside, the littered streets are still dark; on the next corner, a brooding statue of an American War-era Communist soldier carries what looks like an AK-47. I am asleep. Until precisely 6 a.m., when I am awakened by a harsh, metallic voice that fills every space, indoors and out. It's like wake-up call in a maximum- security prison. I am instantly awake and alarmed. I wrench at the balcony door like a disheveled, disoriented Martin Sheen in the opening scene of Apocalypse Now. I expect tanks in the streets below. But the streets are still empty. Later, I discovered the source of the ruckus: a loudspeaker tethered to a pole outside. Then I learned that my loudspeaker was just one of thousands, perhaps tens of thousands, broadcasting every morning and again at 5 p.m.
I am not a native Vietnamese speaker; I've only recently begun to decipher the language. But even a rookie could detect in that first broadcast a hectoring, admonitory tone. Vietnamese told me the messages are almost unvarying: 30 minutes of Orwellian doublespeak, patriotic songs and morality messages seemingly culled from Mothers Against Drunk Driving, the Reverend Lou Sheldon's Traditional Values Coalition and California's ham-fisted anti- smoking campaigns. The concern for moral fitness is a phantasm. People here say the Communists' real message is: we're watching you, so stay in line and keep your trap shut. But no one is really listening. Wherever I was, whenever I asked, Vietnamese told me the diurnal broadcasts are nothing more than annoying background noise. One businessman, who said he would never openly criticize the govt, described the messages as "VC trash", a reference to the Viet Cong, the outgunned guerrilla soldiers who drove American and U.S.-backed soldiers from the country in 1975.

The broadcasts are the same throughout the country, except in Vietnam's sacrosanct tourist districts. Even the Communists understand that visitors from the West wouldn't appreciate Big Brother's wake-up calls. But rice farmers, hog tenders, shop owners, teachers, infants and hospital patients can't escape the cloying reminders: work hard for the glorious state, don't stay out late, don't do drugs, don't hang out in bars, don't employ prostitutes. The messages are delivered from speakers on every street and in almost every hamlet, no matter how remote. Perhaps nowhere else in the world is it so obvious that the state is a mother.
In the nearly 3 decades since American soldiers retreated from this place, Ho Chi Minh's successors have worked assiduously to regulate every aspect of human behavior. The ubiquitous street speakers are just one ugly manifestation. On bright billboards and in relentless radio and television programming, the govt of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam reminds its citizens that their first allegiance is to the state and that dissenters will be punished. One TV broadcast shown repeatedly during prime time in December recounted the 30-year-old death-or- glory tale of a captured female VC soldier who preferred to bleed to death rather than allow an American medic to administer life-saving care. Long before Sept. 11, when it became fashionable for Americans to parade the flag, Vietnamese in even the rudest huts flew the state's gold star on a red field.

Such expressions of nationalism are everywhere, and they are perhaps necessary for survival—signifiers of loyalty in a country whose leadership protects its image with the zealousness of Disney trademark lawyers. "Zealous" barely describes it: in one Hanoi park, armed soldiers blocked me from taking a photograph of a tree. Communist Vietnam is hardly the environment for an honest opinion poll, in other words. Buried deep in their report, the UCI researchers acknowledge that salient fact: "Some respondents may [have felt] hesitant to express their opinions fully." But that nod toward the real Vietnam had no influence on their conclusions. UCI has steadfastly defended as "scientific" findings that suggest Vietnam is a paradise:

  • More than 90% of Vietnamese are "quite or very happy with their [life] situations."
  • A jaw-dropping 98% enjoy their Communist form of govt.
The UCI report comes as startling news to people living in Vietnam. The Weekly interviewed more than three dozen citizens throughout that country from relatively well-off shop owners to poor cab drivers, housewives, students and laborers. While our results were hardly scientific, it's fair to say UCI's weren't either. Fieldwork for the UCI study was conducted by Hanoi-based pollsters under the supervision of the Communist Party. These, of course, would be the same apparatchiks who program their country's morning wake-up calls. "I think that it [the report] is Communist propaganda. You can see for yourself how poor we are as a country. We are struggling," said Tu (not his real name), a 44-year-old tour guide. "We think we are lucky if we make $45 a month and work long shifts in a Nike factory."

The facts support Tu. Average annual income for the Vietnamese is $380, barely above $1 per day. There is no visible middle class, only extreme wealth and, by even the most minimal standards, abject poverty. Middle-aged and elderly women sit on filthy street curbs, swatting flies and urging passersby to buy their homegrown fruits and vegetables. In rural areas, tens of thousands live without electricity or indoor plumbing in shacks reminiscent of 1930s Mississippi. The archaic road system is riddled with holes the size of trucks; some stretches end abruptly without warning in trackless dirt or jungle. So maybe it's fortunate that automobile ownership is rare (unless you're a Communist official); most people rely on motorcycles, bicycles or their feet for transportation. It's not uncommon to witness men, women and children urinating without embarrassment on major public streets. Others sleep on cardboard boxes in alleyways and beg for food. Still others desperate for money risk their lives to work for ruthless but well-paying organized-crime families. Street vendors believe they've won a major victory if they can squeeze an extra 1,000 dong (the equivalent of about 6 cents) from a customer. Some Dickensian urban streets are populated by shoeless, grime-covered children who graduate from begging to pickpocketing. People try to earn extra money gambling at bloody nighttime cockfights on city streets.

But there's not even a whisper of such economic injustice in the misguided if well-intentioned UCI report. And when it comes to issues of morality, the university's findings depict a world 180 degrees from reality. In the World Values Survey, Vietnamese condemned homosexuality (82%) and prostitution (92%). Forget for a moment the study's gaffes in this regard (the question about homosexuality, for instance, comes under the category "ethics" and was lodged between questions about bribery and prostitution). Travel in Vietnam reveals a far different world. Gay clubs thrive in Ho Chi Minh City, and if media accounts are accurate, so does prostitution. One can buy female companionship for an entire night for $10 or less. Narcotics use, especially of Ecstasy and the hallucinogen Special K, is rampant in nightclubs. Police corruption, though reportedly less blatant than in the past, remains widespread. Money is so scarce that, in just one month (December 2001), police arrested 39 women in Ho Chi Minh City for trying to sell their newborn babies to foreign tourists for $400 each.

The govt itself, in an inadvertent daily admission of trouble in paradise, agitates incessantly against public disorder. In December, officials launched a PR effort to warn of upcoming govt crackdowns on people who "disrupt the social order." Deputy Prime Minister Kheim Gia Pham, for example, described Ho Chi Minh City as "a hotbed of vice and villainy" and said citizens can expect tougher police surveillance. Chief Inspector Ton Thanh Nguyen of the govt's Culture and Information Department promised an "all-out assault" on "social evils," beginning with efforts to curtail the distribution of unapproved entertainment videos, music and magazines. The govt doesn't allow imported books or magazines or, for that matter, any artwork that they think might undermine their power or their sanitized portrait of Vietnamese life.
Nguyen explained to the English-language, govt-controlled Vietnam News that access to unsanctioned mass communications causes "extraordinary spending, partying, drugs, sex, even savage murders." Officials demonstrated their abhorrence to freedom of expression in the post-Christmas arrest at Tan Son Nhat airport of a Vietnamese filmmaker whose only "crime" was to ignore the govt's authoritarian script guidelines. On 12.28.01 Communist officials bragged that they had destroyed six metric tons of confiscated books they described as "poisonous."

"The state needs both effective and weighty measures in its fight against depravity," said Nguyen. "The state must focus policies on the preservation of the country's values so that it may guide people's thinking and lifestyles." Vietnam is not a dark country. The white sand beaches of Nha Trang and its nearby islands rival those of popular Hawaiian resorts. Hanoi's Hoan Kiem Lake is a breathtaking mélange of human and natural art. Once the horrific site of earth-scorching U.S. military bombings and napalm attacks, the famous Ho Chi Minh Trail today could pass for a sleepy national park in Virginia.
In a Bien Hoa restaurant, a twentysomething father gently caressed his infant daughter's head and proudly smiled at his wife while his five-year-old son bragged about his computer-video-game scores. In Ho Chi Minh City, a family of six who live in a dilapidated but tidy 350-square-foot apartment served me tea and fretted about offering the best advice on where to go and what to do on my trip. I stood at the base of a 40-foot waterfall near Da Lat, home to spectacular pine forests and rubber tree plantations. I saw an elderly, robe-clad monk smiling devilishly as he wove wildly on his motorcycle through Buon Ma Thuot traffic. I sipped delicious coffee in Bu Dang as a young man walked by with his arm tightly around his feeble grandfather's shoulders. With palm-tree-lined rice paddies and hills covered in thick, green jungle as background, I watched teenagers in one dirt-poor village happily battle one another in a soccer match as older community members cheered from the sidelines.

The Vietnamese are not immune to the joys of life and the beauty of their country. Everywhere I went, I found Vietnamese, like their American counterparts, enjoying the outdoors, laughing with family and friends, and working hard to survive. Because if Vietnam is beautiful, then it's also difficult. It's not a nation that hands out easy livings. Each day, men, women and children work ingeniously to wrest a living from the next 16 or 17 hours. They have learned to survive. And when a pollster from the govt's Institute for Human Studies arrives to ask questions and record answers about support for the Communists, the Vietnamese smile, open the door and welcome the visitor. They know what to say. Here, too, they know how to survive.

The Buon Me Thuot region of Vietnam is famous for its potent java brew. But when young Vietnamese talk about ca phe den mo (literally, "dim light coffee"), they're not referring to a special blend. "Dark coffees", cafes lit so dimly it's often impossible to see within them, are a Vietnamese institution, and like American drive-in theaters or the love hotels of Japan, they provide a crucial service for couples: public access to privacy. Dark coffees can be found all over the city. The greatest concentration is in the Thanh Da area on the western outskirts, Saigon's "dim light district." The Mekong runs through it, providing a romantic perch for many of the cafes.

Others are tucked into inland side streets, away from city lights and traffic. At minimum, a dark coffee is dim enough so that you won't be recognized; others are pitch black, and their navigation requires the aid of a flashlight- carrying waiter. All seats face the same direction, so your view is limited to backs of other couples. Each set of chairs is separated by a divider, usually a vine-entwined screen or a solid partition. Music masks the smacking of lips and emittance of sighs. It's all atmosphere, at twice the price of a normal café. People don't come to drink, and waiters don't cruise around asking people for second orders, so the house gets only one chance to make a sale. And once people are settled inside, they're usually in no hurry to leave.

It is Vietnam's stringent sexual taboos that drive couples to dark coffees. Most Vietnamese men will not marry a woman who is not a virgin, sometimes even if she's only slept with him. An unchaperoned visit to a man's apartment or a hotel room is viewed as an open invitation for intercourse or sexual assault. And even if a woman leaves such a situation with her virginity intact, her reputation will be sullied. "Of course if they are in a room together, they will do it," says Bui Ngo Duong, a 30-year-old teacher. "Why wouldn't they? Whether or not they did it, we have to assume that they did."

Dark coffees allow women to explore their sexuality without destroying their personal lives, providing a safe environment and an alibi. The cafe's level of illumination provides a crucial check on libidinal urges while allowing couples to indulge in what feels comfortable, the higher the lumen, the safer the hymen. When a woman chooses a dim café, she's indicating that kissing and cuddling is a possibility; a darker selection usually means that under-the- shirt fondling is on the menu, and so on. The café acts as chaperone. But not all dark coffees preclude intercourse. Some have reclining seats that are almost bedlike and partitions so sturdy they are almost rooms. Here is where denial becomes paramount. After leaving a hotel room or apartment together, a couple is assumed to have screwed, and the woman thus tarnished. After leaving a coffee shop, they can still deny it. For unmarried couples, abstinence is not as important as appearance.

Cost is also an issue. To an American, spending $4 for a room rather than $1 at a café would be well worth it, but a Vietnamese citizen earning $80 a month has a different perspective. Hotels are off-limits to unmarried couples, and even monied Vietnamese view them as "a waste of money," in the words of Mr. Dung, a relatively well-off dark coffee regular who refused to give his first name in order to protect his girlfriend. Although they're highly popular, dark coffees are hardly accepted. It doesn't help that although the majority of the cafés are couples-only, the term also refers to places where a single man can have a "girlfriend" supplied to him. Even women with long-term boyfriends almost never admit going. Some refuse to go at all. Cam Bui Ly, a writer who has studied in Singapore, explains: "I know my friends go, but we can never talk about it." Some of them complain that their boyfriends are xao qua (horrible) for even suggesting it. Men also disapprove: Nguyen Minh Tan, a recent university graduate, will not bring his freshman girlfriend to a dark coffee because he is afraid of "making her mind dirty." They may go after she graduates, however. "Then, she enters real life," he explains.
For all the shame associated with visiting dark coffees, there is a refreshing lack of ambiguity about them. People may go to a movie to watch the film, but nobody goes to a dark coffee to sample the joe. Simply by showing up, couples openly declare their lust for each other. More subtle but perhaps more important is the thrill of publicly challenging a taboo. Sex is usually good, but forbidden sex is better. By visiting a dark coffee, young Vietnamese couples are engaging in a quiet but unmistakable rebellion against societal strictures, and they're doing so with plenty of co-conspirators within earshot.

One evening, a "special friend" takes me to a typical Thanh Da riverside dark coffee. We park the motorbike and allow a hostess to lead us to the make-out area. Under a large open canopy sit rows of beach chairs, placed two- by-two and separated by small wooden trellises with vines. The huge dark swath of the Mekong flows by, silently guarding the couples who are engaged in affectionate whispering and/or intense cuddling (although the low-backed chairs and ambient light make serious lovemaking impossible). After we take our seats and place our orders, the mumbling and rustling of clothes blend into the background, melding with the sound of crickets and frogs. Soon these disappear, and the world shrinks; the other couples, the café's dusty driveway, the assignments left undone downtown all become quickly irrelevant. Anyone whose sexual experiences have been confined to bedrooms will be surprised at how unnecessary all those walls are, how quickly a public space can become an intimate cocoon.
We leave an hour or so later, and on the way out, we found the café much busier than when we entered. The number of people willing to drive to suburban Ho Chi Minh City and pay top dollar for the privilege of sitting in a beach chair attests to the popularity of these erotic dives. On a Sunday evening, one of the biggest days of the week in the industry, couples must hold their libidos in check for hours as they wait for a seat. As sexual attitudes change, the perception of dark coffees softens from xao qau (horrible) to merely khong tot (not good). Liberal ideas are seeping in from the outside world, state and parental controls are relaxing, and biology perseveres, guaranteeing that dark coffees do a brisk business.

Yet it's precisely those cultural shifts that may ultimately spell the demise of the dark coffee. Sexual taboos will fade; men and women will be able to visit each others' apartments unchaperoned. Rising incomes and increasingly liberal laws (or at least, more lax enforcement) will allow couples to rent hotel rooms, thus robbing dark coffees of their raisons d'être. Liberal Westerners might cheer the demise of Vietnam's harsh sexual double standards, but progress will inevitably exact a price. Yet for now, progress is coming slowly in socially conservative and politically authoritarian Vietnam. It will be years before dark coffees go the way of the drive-in. In the meantime, fighting oppressive norms and smashing taboos continues to be the arousal method of choice. Certainly sex is more convenient when you can just invite your girlfriend over to your pad, but is it as exciting?

Geneva mission Viet women's team, SEA Games 2001 Kuala Lumpur 9.11.01 Despite having half of the team that won silver medal at the last Asian Games, Vietnam are playing down their chances in the women's sepak takraw inter-regu competition at the 21st SEA Games here. "We'll just play & see what happens," was the response from coach Ha Kha Luan, who came with one set of regu each for the men's & women's competitions. "Myanmar is strong; Thailand is also strong. We will try to play as well as we can," said Kha Luan, who will have the services of killer Hoang Thi Thai Xuan and flanker Luu Thi Tranh, who were in the regu that lost to Myanmar in the 1998 Asian Games final in Bangkok. At the 1997 SEA Games, Vietnam's women won the bronze in the inter-regu competition. Kha Luan was, however, more specific about the chances of his men in the inter-regu competition. "No chance!" he said, and burst into laughter. "We are here more for the experience," he added. The battle for honours in the men's sepak takraw competition has traditionally been between Malaysia & Thailand, who are regarded as the world's best in the game. Singapore & Myanmar will be the dark horses hoping to capitalise on any slip-ups by the two super powers. Vietnam, in contrast, are newcomers to the sport with sepak takraw entering their shores just a decade ago. "I would say that there are about 200 people including 60 women playing the game now in Vietnam. We are still very new," he added.
Phil Caputo & took Hunter on his first Vietnam combat mission. Hunter had been bugging us for several days. Finally we said, "All right, but no screwing around. No madcap zany bullshit. This is serious business. If you want to go with us, we leave at 6, not 6:01. At 6:01 we'll be gone."
At 6 the next morning we're at the front door when all of a sudden here came Hunter. It was a sight. He was wearing Bermuda shorts, sneakers w/ no socks, Hawaiian shirt, baseball cap., shades, cigarette holder. He had 2 room boys carrying his chest of ice & beer. Ready to go to war, he was talking into a little hand held tape recorder, "I'm walking down the stairs … I'm getting into the jeep."
Caputo & I were wearing helmets & flak jackets.

Off we went, Hunter talking to the recorder, drinking beer, popping some sort of pills, maybe speed, washing them down with beer. He was popping one pill every 15 minutes and talking to the recorder. I looked over and noticed there was no tape in it.
Then we ran into a huge operation. It was the South Vietnamese airborne group going in for its last stand defense at Xuan Loc, the one place where the South Vietnamese stood & fought. And got their asses kicked. It was a huge field with massed troops on it. All these helicopters were coming back from Xuan Loc with casualties and unloading litters with injured & dead on them. As they cleared out, fresh troops would get on and be airlifted.

Nicholas Profitt, HST friend, U.S. infantry sergeant, Newsweek Vietnam bureau chief
Then a flight of South Vietnamese fighter bombers roared by on close air support mission. They couldn't have been more than 500, 600 ft overhead. Quite suddenly, Hunter let out a blood curdling yell. The driver jerked the jeep off the road into a culvert. We thought Hunter had been hit by a sniper.
The jeep stopped. I looked at Hunter and said, "Are you all right?" Then Nick turned around.
Hunter said, "Man, did you see those pterodactyls go overhead?"
Nick nearly strangled him. He reached over the back seat and grabbed him by the collar and said, "You son of a bitch!"
Phillip Caputo, HST friend, 1977 National Book Award winner A Rumor of War, first in Vietnam w/ USMC
I looked at Caputo and said, "Bag this. Let's go talk to those guys." So we jumped out of the jeep, went over, got our notes, talked to a few people, then looked around. No Hunter. Looked in the car. No Hunter. We looked down the highway. There was Hunter a mile down the damn road walking while talking to the recorder heading right toward the last South Vietnamese presence on the highway,
First we debated whether to let him get himself killed then we jumped in the jeep. I had to beat the driver's head & shoulders to get him to go down the road. We pulled alongside Hunter, grabbed him & threw him in the car. I'd say we were no more than 500 meters from the first North Vietnamese outpost

Hunter had an abiding fear of missing the evacuation. He wanted to make sure he knew what was going on. He went to Hong Kong to get some sophisticated electronic gear, supposedly so he could listen in on the Embassy. Of course, he missed the evacuation.

Nicholas Profitt
Rolling Stone editor Bob Wallace ran Hunter's Vietnam piece 10 years after the evacuation.
    liquor
per U.S. Dept of Commerce 12.9.98

… intl spirits co. w/ office in Vietnam incl Intl Distillers & Vintners (Diageo), Seagrams, Hennessy, Remy Martin, Pernod Ricard and Hiram Walker (Allied Domecq). The Allied Domecq group has a blending and bottling joint venture with Binh Tay distillery in Ho Chi Minh City.
Est. 97% of all imported spirits are smuggled. The method of smuggling is by overland routes through Cambodia, China and Laos. … govt attitude to spirits which it portrays a 'social evil' and has banned from being advertised or promoted since mid 1995

domestic liquor industry
There is also difficulty in estimating the size of the domestic liquor industry because it is unregulated & unmonitored. One domestic producer estimated the size of the locally produced bottled branded market to be 4 million cases this year. This was down from a high of 6-7 million cases in the early 1990s.
This market mainly consists of vodkas that sell for US$0.50 to $1.50. A major reason for the decline is the proliferation of foreign-invested intl breweries that started to appear from 1993. Vietnamese consumers who trade up tend to move from cheap bottled spirits to internationally branded and Vietnamese beer, not to imported distilled spirits. This trend is expected to continue for a number of reasons including the continuing ban on advertising & promotion of imported brands (imposed mid 1995), the 'social evil' stigma Govt attaches to spirits, and the relative expense of imported spirits.

At the bottom of the market, there is unbranded moonshine which is sold in plastic & glass bottles. Its market size is anywhere from 4x to 10x the size of the bottled branded domestic production as gauged by a major local producer. Moonshine is purely a backyard operation with the main product, fermented rice wine, being potent but of very poor quality. It is sold in whatever receptacle is handy such as plastic bottles or bags and discarded glass bottles. It is very popular in the countryside where people can rarely afford even the domestic bottled brands that sell for around US$1-1.50. Even this slightly more prestigious market segment does not produce a good product. The quality of ingredients and hygiene standards used in production is dubious. Packaging is slowly improving in quality.

Next is the locally produced bottled & branded spirits & wines. At the upper mid level there is the beer market which is shared between domestic & foreign joint venture brewers.
At the top tier are western branded spirits. The market for intl brands is quite small with an expected 192,500 cases to be sold in 1998. As disposable incomes rise Vietnamese consumers, in each tier of the pyramid, are trading up a level.

Domestic bottled branded spirits industry has seen a decline from its heydays in the early nineties. This is largely because intl brewers such as Heineken & Carlsburg have been successfully wooing this market en-masse with savvy marketing campaigns.
This has created a positive environment for domestic beers as well. There should not be much more shrinkage in the domestic bottled branded spirits industry next year. While there is little growth expected in the short to mid term, the market is considered stable. Advertising and promotion bans were lifted against domestic producers Aug. 1998. There are only a couple of Vietnamese brands which have any money spent on them in building brand equity. Hiram Walker Binh Tay joint venture is looking at producing Ballantines in Vietnam. They will likely take advantage of advertising opportunities to position itself in a market where other intl brands are prohibited from marketing. However, the joint venture is not prepared to invest in its intl style imitation brands.

taxes & duties
Very high = primary reason why smuggled. Alcohol is subject to 2 main import charges; import duties and a Special Consumption Tax (SCT) that is Vietnam's version of an excise tax. Import duties are 50% on liquor and the SCT will be between 25% and 90% depending on alcohol content. A beverage with more than 40% alcohol content will incur total charges of 185% and for beverages with 30 to 40% alcohol content the charges will be 155%. This includes the 50% import duty.

Foreign spirits companies in Vietnam do not deal with the issues of double taxation and convertibility of the local currency, the Dong. This is because as Representative Offices they are forbidden from actively engaging in trade or sales. All they are allowed to do is promote the products and services of the head office

Massive problem with fake goods in Vietnam. Although Vietnam has a copyright law as well as copyright agreements with various countries (including the U.S.), the laws in place and actual enforcement are weak. There is no estimate on the total market size of fakes but it is estimated that food & beverage fakes make up 60% of the total according to the Vietnam Investment Review, leading English language newspaper.
About 40% of fakes found in Vietnam are counterfeits of foreign brands and are produced in Vietnam. A further 30% of total fakes are also made in Vietnam, but under Vietnamese trademarks while the remaining 30% are shuttled in via China, Laos, Cambodia or Hong Kong.

Methods of producing a fake incl taking an imported bottle of whisky and diluting or swapping the authentic contents with local alcohol and then recapping the bottle. Alternatively, counterfeiters may source the correct bottle shape in order to match the intl brand and then fill it with bogus alcohol. They then cap it using a modern imported capping machine and paste on a copied label. Capping & printing machines are imported through State owned enterprises and sold on the black market.
The concept of intellectual property rights, and the policing of these rights, is new in Vietnam. The authorities which police fakes have an inadequate and poorly skilled staff. This results in only a fraction of fakes being confiscated at the point of sale. Authorities say they are unable to locate the production bases. Even if they could locate these operations, there would be little economic incentive for the authorities to close them.

foreign invested spirits production
For American companies looking at producing spirits for the local market, there is only one foreign invested enterprise to use as a case study. The Hiram Walker (Allied Domecq) Binh Tay joint venture has been blending & bottling intl style imitations of foreign brands since 1996.
None of the company's brands are intl names. This has made it tough for any of these brands to get a following in image conscious Vietnam. Consumers cannot see the benefit in purchasing a 'Made in Vietnam' Hiram Walker Binh Tay brand for US$3 to 8 when local brands sell for US$1 to 1.50. To them there is little perceived value in a local product with a western name.

Joint venture's brands include Long John whisky, Wall Street whisky, Palm Breeze rum, Gorlovka vodka and La Fontaine brandy. Imported raw materials constitute up to ninety% of each finished product. Hiram Walker Binh Tay's more expensive brands compete with standard-grade smuggled imports that retail for around US$10 to 11.
With production capacity of 3 million bottles per year (250,000 cases), the original intention was to capture a sizeable portion of the mass bottled spirits market. This has proven to be more difficult than originally expected. Production is currently around 40,000 cases per year and the break-even point for the joint venture is between 80,000 to 100,000 cases a year. The joint venture is now looking at a strategy of producing international Allied Domecq brands at their factory in Ho Chi Minh City, but manufactured from 100% Vietnamese products. The new products intend to create their own market niche and retail for around US$4.

    Traditional miscellany
    A toast to Vietnamese rice wine
    11.24.01   Huu Ngoc Vietnam News
In is traditional in Viet Nam that women do not drink alcohol as it is considered to be a man's domain. One Sino- Vietnamese proverb claims: "A man who does not drink is like a flag without wind." Vietnamese ruou (liquor) is generally distilled from rice, preferably sticky rice. The rice is steam cooked and, after cooling, is sprayed with yeast before being distilled. A kilo of rice can yield about a litre of rice wine.
The strongest alcohol (40 per cent) is called ruou tam (frothy alcohol) because of the froth which appears on the surface when it is poured in a glass. Rice wine which has been soaked in traditional herbs is often referred to as medicinal wine, and is often kept in the home as a tonic. Many families use strong rice wine to preserve snakes, geckos and other reptiles. Such a concoction is believed to be an excellent cure for rheumatism and arthritis. Mixing it with fruit juices such as apricot or plum also gives it a refreshing liqueur taste.

Whereas in the West, the word "alcohol" is in general a pejorative connotation to a social life, evoking drunkenness, moral decadence, and an endless round of pubs and parties, in Viet Nam it has a much less social implication, perhaps because drinking alcohol in a hot country like Viet Nam can be more harmful than in colder climates.
In fact, rice wine is justly counted among the noble pleasures of the scholars, placed on the same footing as Chinese chess, poetry and music. It is even considered the elixir that the immortal supernatural beings descending from heaven to sample. Rice wine is a cultural offering which people respectfully place on the altar to their ancestors or genies to mark important occasions. It is linked to literature, as many travelling poets carried flasks with them in a small cloth sack containing their poems. One popular game consisted of drinking together while improvising a poem, each contributing a verse alternately.

Rice wine is also an emblem of friendship. When you have good ruou it is frowned upon to drink alone. Instead you must share it with your friends. This more or less Dyonisiac tradition has been maintained throughout the centuries. Among the best known modern adepts are the poet Tan Da (1888-1939) and the prose writer Nguyen Tuan (1910- 1987) who are both also renowned as culinary connoisseurs.
In colonial times, aesthetes refused to drink "industrial" rice wine (ruou ty) of which the distillery Fontaine held the monopoly. They preferred the wine illegally made at home, which was known as ruou ngang. In the 60s & 70s a friend of mine who lived on the other bank of the Hong (Red) River still made a good living selling rice wine to the small inns in Ha Noi. In the 80s his business went from bad to worse, with wine losing ground with the onslaught of beer.

Today, we witness the triumph of beer, with draught beer bars sprouting like mushrooms at every street corner. While rice wine remains a cultural offering, the delicate beverage of old scholars which accompanies special dishes, beer has made its insolent appearance in all feasts, even in ordinary meals.
Why this change of gastronomic style? No doubt because of the adoption of the lifestyle of the South following the reunification of the country in 1975, of rising living standards, the modern habit of eating out, especially during the mid-day break, the need for leisure time, and the pull of cheap, iced beer over traditional rice wine. …



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