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Myanmar = Asia's first narco-state 1.23.97 A.Davis & B.Hawke ASIAWEEK In 1989, the junta dropped a policy of confiscating bank deposits & foreign currency of dubious origin. Instead it opted for a "whitening tax" on questionable repatriated funds levied first at 40% and since reduced to 25%. Equally significant, in early 1993, de facto legalization of black- market exchange rate took place and narco-funds previously held in Bangkok, Singapore and Hong Kong flooded back into Myanmar. Since late 1995, Kyone Yeom has established a nationwide financial operation widely viewed as a thinly disguised money-laundering vehicle. The scheme involves a subsidiary, the National Races Cooperative Society, offering a startling 7% interest per month, or 84% per annum, on term deposits, good in a country where finance companies have no legal standing and where only banks are permitted to offer interest, currently capped at 16% a year. But then as one Kyone Yeom employee cheerfully pointed out: "They're the Wa! They can do anything they want."
In 1992, Lo founded family flagship company Asia World with his Western-educated son,
Steven Law aka Htun Myint Naing as managing director. Since then, Asia World &
subsidiaries expanded from import-export & trading base into bus transport, housing &
hotel construction, a supermarket chain, manufacturing and major infrastructure projects, notably
Yangon port development and upgrading the highway between Mandalay and Muse on Chinese
border.
The Lo family has enduring connection with Singaporean business figures, and
Steven Law is a frequent visitor to the island republic.
In 1996, Steven was added to list of
those refused U.S. visas for suspected involvement in narcotics trafficking. "The regime feels it has the upper hand on the traffickers and can force them to use their money for the good of the country," says a veteran Western narcotics official. corruption-riddled regime as able or willing to force well-entrenched narco-mafia to become respectable businessmen is naive. "They feel they have the generals in their pockets." At unit level, military complicity in both narcotics production & transport has been long-standing, junta is increasingly dependent on narco-dollars to keep a floundering economy above water.
4.12.01 Dan Russell burmanet2- 1 9.12.96 class action lawsuit in DC's Federal District Court, alleging the CIA, the National Security Agency and the State Dept illegally surveilled him and the numerous other DEA agents who joined him in the suit. Obviously political control of the DEA, to some extent, is at stake in this groundbreaking lawsuit. Horn's response to my request for more information underscores that:
"I would like to help you
However, I have been put under threat of prosecution if I reveal
classified information. My attorney & I take that threat seriously. The concerned agencies
have interpreted 'classified information' in the broadest possible sense. Moreover, the CIA has
lobbed 'scud missiles' filled with accusations about me to DEA. This, in turn, has resulted in an
OPR (Office of Professional Responsibility) investigation that has lasted for nearly FOUR years.
And finally, ALL information that I distribute concerning this matter is now routed through the Court
Security Officer (under the Justice Dept) before I circulate it. The Court Security Officer then
arranges for the other agencies, ie., the CIA, NSA and DOS to 'suggest' changes. The changes
that I have made concern ONLY classification matters, not facts or substance. Beyond all of this,
DEA MUST approve my public comments and all my contacts with the media."
Nasty Job for Task Force 399
BANGKOK & CHIANG MAI U.S. Special Forces are about to join
Thailand's war on drugs from Burma; tense border & geopolitical pressures complicate their
mission. They're not related but the timing may be a bad portent. As Beijing & Washington
wrangle over a U.S. spy plane, U.S. troops are starting to move into northern Thailand relatively
close to the Chinese border. The vast majority are preparing for the annual Thai-U.S. Cobra Gold
military exercises in May. But some U.S. Special Forces in the same area are more stealthily
joining what will be known as Task Force 399. Some 5,000 U.S. troops will come to Thailand to
take part in Cobra Gold, the biggest joint U.S. military exercise in Asia this year and a handful will
stay to join the war on drugs. The U.S. military has mounted low-level military training missions in
Thailand under a programme called Baker Torch for several years. But the new, more secretive
Task Force 399 involvement will be its most important in the kingdom. 15,000-strong United Wa State Army, which is aligned with Rangoon, is accused by Thai anti- narcotics agencies of being the chief maker of the methamphetamine tablets. At the same time, tension is high on the Thai-Burmese border following a clash near the border town of Mae Sai in February in which dozens of Burmese troops were killed. As one Bangkok-based foreign intelligence official says, the mission for the United States is "a high-risk game, given fragile Thai- Burma relations on the border." It is also a gamble given similar, but much larger and still growing, U.S. military involvement to stamp out drugs production in Colombia. Critics in the U.S. Congress are warning the U.S. could be sucked into a bloody civil war there if U.S. troops are gradually drawn into battle with narco-guerrillas. |
How junta protects Mr. Heroin Links between Burma drug barons & repressive regime that trumpets tough anti-drugs policy 4.8.01 John Sweeney THE OBSERVER Lo's protectors, Burmese generals who run the State Peace & Development Council (popularly known by former title, Slorc), play very rough with anyone who gets in the way of Heroin Inc. When prince of the Wa people Saw Lu, opposed to the heroin trade, informed the U.S. DEA about drug trafficking activities of regional army intelligence chief Major Than Aye, word got back to the junta. According to a DEA report, Saw Lu was held upside down for 56 days with an electric lead attached to his penis. His torturers poured urine on his face; he was beaten with chains; his captors tormented him by throwing him down next to an empty, freshly dug grave. Saw Lu's life was spared. Others have not been so lucky. The heroin shipment Saw Lu reported to the DEA was destined for Lo. Major Than Aye supervised the torture. For his diligence he was promoted to a high position in Slorc.
Lo has made so many millions from heroin that he built & runs Rangoon's main port. 2 years
ago Australian police seized a ship carrying almost half a ton of heroin originating in Burma. a
huge find, enough to give every man, woman and child in Australia a hit of heroin. The street price
of heroin in Sydney did not change by a cent. The plainest evidence of the closeness between
Slorc and Lo's heroin empire emerged at the 1995 wedding of his son, Steven Law, to
Singaporean businesswoman Cecilia Ng. Guest of honour was Hotels & Tourism Minister
Lt.Gen Kyaw Ba, accompanied by 3 other Slorc generals & 4 Cabinet Ministers. Millions laundered in Singapore from plush office suite on Shenton House 10th floor in heart of Singapore's business district. Singapore company registry lists 2 companies run by Law, neither called Asia World. But the giveaway is a large display sign in Shenton House front office depicting globe with letters A & W. In past 10 years Singapore has executed at least 100 drug traffickers for possession of small amounts of heroin, according to Amnesty International but lets at least one Mr Big scot-free.
12.2.96 D.Bernstein & L.Kean The Nation 5.7.01 update
Communications between D.E.A.'s Rangoon office & higher officials in Washington reveal
agent Horn had every intention of working with the Wa people to implement Lu's proposal. But for
reasons that remain unclear, C.I.A. & State Dept had other ideas. D.E.A. Sensitive e-mails
state that former C.I.A. chief of station Arthur Brown "destroyed this project in one swift move."
According to the e-mails, Brown delivered an early version of the Wa proposal signed by Lu to
SLORC military intelligence officer Col. Kyaw Thein. When Thein threatened to pick up Lu once
more and teach him a lesson in respect, Horn was able to intervene temporarily. In Horn's view,
the C.I.A. destroyed a unique opportunity for a dramatic drug eradication program in the poppy
fields of the world's biggest heroin producer. (Horn, now a D.E.A. group supervisor in New
Orleans, is suing the C.I.A., claiming it illegally surveilled his residence in Rangoon to gain
information about his plans, which the C.I.A. went on to foil.)
Burma is by far the largest exporter in the region, providing more than 50% of world's
supply.
Burma's national company Myanmar Oil & Gas Enterprise (MOGE) was "the
main channel for laundering revenues of heroin produced & exported under control of
Burmese army." In a business deal signed with the French oil giant Total in 1992, and
later joined by Unocal, MOGE received
$15 million payment. "Despite the fact that MOGE has no assets besides limited installments of
foreign partners and makes no profit, and that the Burmese state never had the capacity to
allocate any currency credit to MOGE, the Singapore bank accounts of this company have seen
the transfer of hundreds of millions of US dollars," Bertil Lintner, noted authority on
Burma's drug trade,
Along with Lo Hsing Han & Khun Sa, other ethnic drug traffickers have also
benefited from good relationships with the Rangoon junta, according to this spring's State Dept
Narcotics Report. Following a list of the names of 8 top traffickers from the Shan, Kachin and Wa
areas, the report points out SLORC has given these individuals "significant political legitimacy" by
referring to them as "leaders of national races." Several of them handpicked to help write the
nation's new Constitution. SLORC refused a U.S. offer of $2 million to extradite Khun Sa to stand
trial here. (Khun Sa was indicted in U.S. federal court Dec. 1989 on charges of smuggling more
than $350 million worth of heroin into U.S. between 1986 & 1988.)
monthly, per-acre
extortion forces villagers to continue farming opium simply to be able to meet the tax quota,
thereby keeping them dependent on the cash crop. If villagers do not deliver, their livestock is
confiscated, family members are held for ransom or they are taken away as forced labor on infrastructure
projects. The less lucky ones, usually the village headmen, are arrested & tortured.
"The reason the Burmese say not to grow rice is that if you grow rice you have to give some to the
rebel groups & others, and you have to get your rice milled," he said. "So they say just grow
opium and you can easily get money & buy your rice. The military will buy the opium." All over
Burma, rural communities are succumbing to the supplies of cheap heroin distributed unchecked
in their villages.
Reports the Shan Herald Agency for News. "Amphetamines & heroin
are bought & sold like vegetables from roadside peddlers." "Only since 1988 SLORC takeover have chemicals needed to refine the purest grades of heroin become available in Burma's most remote areas," states a drug eradication proposal presented by the people of Wa State to the Intl Conference on Drugs in Portugal in March. jade mines of remote Kachin State. Managers of the SLORC-owned mines, some in joint ventures with Chinese businessmen, give workers option of receiving compensation in hard drugs rather than cash. " heroin is cultural genocide for eliminating large portions of a volatile minority that has strong sentiments against the govt," stated a U.S. human rights investigator who managed to penetrate restricted areas. Michael Jala Maran, exec. dir. Pan Kachin Development Society, Needle sharing, proliferation of brothels, dearth of public education and virtually no medical care created an explosion in AIDS cases, & highest H.I.V. infection rates in China & India lie right at their Burma border. |
Task Force 399 is supposed to confront drug traffickers in Thailand only and the U.S. Special
Forces will only be instructors. Leadership of anti-narcotics operations was taken from the police
and given to the northern-based 3rd Army by former Prime Minister Chuan Leekpai in October
1998. The U.S. component adds to the Thai military's role on the frontline of what is Thailand's
biggest national security problem.
Thai officials say the Americans are keen to stop the Wa manufacturing and smuggling drugs,
though Task Force 399 will be based in Thailand, at Mae Rim village, just north of the major town
of Chiang Mai. Senior Thai officers & U.S. officials are reluctant even to confirm the
existence of the task force. The Americans only stress their role in training the 3rd Army, and that
the task force will help interdict drug traffickers inside Thailand. Thai security officials say the force
will have the latest night-vision and radar equipt, backed by two American-made Black Hawk
helicopters.
In October the 3 year mandate given to the army by Chuan expires. It is unclear what will happen
to anti-drugs operations under new Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra. But the new U.S. role
worries some of the more nationalistic in the Thai military. "This is raising some concern among
progressive ranking officers," says Panitan Wattanayagorn, a Chulalongkorn University military
affairs scholar and former security adviser to Chuan. "They are not too happy. They also know
this is not a war that can be easily fought."
MUDDY BORDER SITUATION
Maj.-Gen. Anu Sumitra, the 3rd Army intelligence chief, says the task force will not confront
Burmese troops but will stay on the Thai side of the border. Even with such assurances, Panitan
warns: "There is an increasing risk of confrontation, but both sides stand to lose from
confrontation. The govt must not make the Burmese feel we are representing the West." At an
April 4 news conference following a meeting in Burma of the Regional Border Committee, Lt.-Gen.
Wattanachai Chaimuanwong, the 3rd Army's commander, appeared pleased that Burmese
generals, whom he had repeatedly criticized for alleged involvement in the drug trade, were now
being cooperative. He quoted the Burmese as promising to destroy drug laboratories identified
by the Thais and to allow verification of the destruction by "unbiased" media. Was Wattanachai
only reflecting the position of new Defence Minister Chavalit Yongchaiyudh, who boasts of his
good relations with the Burmese military junta? A senior army officer involved in the talks
says Wattanachai was sincere. "I think the Burmese have their internal problems, including a poor
economy, and the border drugs situation has become common knowledge so they need friends,
particularly the Thais," the officer says.
By internal problems, he is referring to the power struggle between Burmese army commander
Gen. Maung Aye and the junta's first secretary, Lt.-Gen. Khin Nyunt. Whether this will affect the
task force's future and the Thai army's anti-drug operations remains to be seen. Says Panitan: "I
think academics and the media know the situation well, and are watching Chavalit closely." The
Thai military has a list of about 60 drug laboratories, mainly controlled by the Wa, in Burma. A day
after his return Wattanachai cheekily sent the Burmese the locations of 3 such sites, though
observers think it inconceivable that Rangoon doesn't know where the labs are. Thai officers say
that Khin Nyunt is particularly close to the Wa. In contrast, Wattanachai told the REVIEW in
December, "Maung Aye despises the Wa." Senior Thai military officers say they believe Maung
Aye is wary of Khin Nyunt's influence over the Wa army. They say Maung Aye recently sent light
infantry into eastern Shan state both as a show of force against the Thais and to undermine Khin
Nyunt's power base. The officers say that the move is also viewed as an attempt to contain the
Wa fighters, whom Maung Aye would dearly like to disarm.
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Dark coffees allow women to explore their sexuality without destroying their personal lives, providing a safe
environment and an alibi. The cafe's level of illumination provides a crucial check on libidinal urges while allowing
couples to indulge in what feels comfortable, the higher the lumen, the safer the hymen. When a woman chooses a
dim café, she's indicating that kissing and cuddling is a possibility; a darker selection usually means that under-the-
shirt fondling is on the menu, and so on. The café acts as chaperone. But not all dark coffees preclude intercourse.
Some have reclining seats that are almost bedlike and partitions so sturdy they are almost rooms. Here is where
denial becomes paramount. After leaving a hotel room or apartment together, a couple is assumed to have
screwed, and the woman thus tarnished. After leaving a coffee shop, they can still deny it. For unmarried couples,
abstinence is not as important as appearance.
Cost is also an issue. To an American, spending $4 for a room rather than $1 at a café would be well worth it, but a
Vietnamese citizen earning $80 a month has a different perspective. Hotels are off-limits to unmarried couples, and
even monied Vietnamese view them as "a waste of money," in the words of Mr. Dung, a relatively well-off dark
coffee regular who refused to give his first name in order to protect his girlfriend. Although they're highly popular,
dark coffees are hardly accepted. It doesn't help that although the majority of the cafés are couples-only, the term
also refers to places where a single man can have a "girlfriend" supplied to him. Even women with long-term
boyfriends almost never admit going. Some refuse to go at all. Cam Bui Ly, a writer who has studied in Singapore,
explains: "I know my friends go, but we can never talk about it." Some of them complain that their boyfriends are
xao qua (horrible) for even suggesting it. Men also disapprove: Nguyen Minh Tan, a recent university graduate, will
not bring his freshman girlfriend to a dark coffee because he is afraid of "making her mind dirty." They may go after
she graduates, however. "Then, she enters real life," he explains.
For all the shame associated with visiting dark coffees, there is a refreshing lack of ambiguity about them. People
may go to a movie to watch the film, but nobody goes to a dark coffee to sample the joe. Simply by showing up,
couples openly declare their lust for each other. More subtle but perhaps more important is the thrill of publicly
challenging a taboo. Sex is usually good, but forbidden sex is better. By visiting a dark coffee, young Vietnamese
couples are engaging in a quiet but unmistakable rebellion against societal strictures, and they're doing so with
plenty of co-conspirators within earshot.
One evening, a "special friend" takes me to a typical Thanh Da riverside dark coffee. We park the motorbike and
allow a hostess to lead us to the make-out area. Under a large open canopy sit rows of beach chairs, placed two-
by-two and separated by small wooden trellises with vines. The huge dark swath of the Mekong flows by, silently
guarding the couples who are engaged in affectionate whispering and/or intense cuddling (although the low-backed
chairs and ambient light make serious lovemaking impossible). After we take our seats and place our orders, the
mumbling and rustling of clothes blend into the background, melding with the sound of crickets and frogs. Soon
these disappear, and the world shrinks; the other couples, the café's dusty driveway, the assignments left undone
downtown all become quickly irrelevant. Anyone whose sexual experiences have been confined to bedrooms will
be surprised at how unnecessary all those walls are, how quickly a public space can become an intimate
cocoon.
We leave an hour or so later, and on the way out, we found the café much busier than when we entered. The
number of people willing to drive to suburban Ho Chi Minh City and pay top dollar for the privilege of sitting in a
beach chair attests to the popularity of these erotic dives. On a Sunday evening, one of the biggest days of the
week in the industry, couples must hold their libidos in check for hours as they wait for a seat. As sexual attitudes
change, the perception of dark coffees softens from xao qau (horrible) to merely khong tot (not good). Liberal ideas
are seeping in from the outside world, state and parental controls are relaxing, and biology perseveres,
guaranteeing that dark coffees do a brisk business.
Yet it's precisely those cultural shifts that may ultimately spell the demise of the dark coffee. Sexual taboos will fade; men and women will be able to visit each others' apartments unchaperoned. Rising incomes and increasingly liberal laws (or at least, more lax enforcement) will allow couples to rent hotel rooms, thus robbing dark coffees of their raisons d'être. Liberal Westerners might cheer the demise of Vietnam's harsh sexual double standards, but progress will inevitably exact a price. Yet for now, progress is coming slowly in socially conservative and politically authoritarian Vietnam. It will be years before dark coffees go the way of the drive-in. In the meantime, fighting oppressive norms and smashing taboos continues to be the arousal method of choice. Certainly sex is more convenient when you can just invite your girlfriend over to your pad, but is it as exciting?
Off we went, Hunter talking to the recorder, drinking beer, popping some sort of pills, maybe speed, washing them
down with beer. He was popping one pill every 15 minutes and talking to the recorder. I looked over and noticed
there was no tape in it.
Then we ran into a huge operation. It was the South Vietnamese airborne group going in for its last stand defense
at Xuan Loc, the one place where the South Vietnamese stood & fought. And got their asses kicked. It was a
huge field with massed troops on it. All these helicopters were coming back from Xuan Loc with casualties and
unloading litters with injured & dead on them. As they cleared out, fresh troops would get on and be
airlifted.
Hunter had an abiding fear of missing the evacuation. He wanted to make sure he knew what was going on. He went to Hong Kong to get some sophisticated electronic gear, supposedly so he could listen in on the Embassy. Of course, he missed the evacuation.
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