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U R K M E N I S T A N govt ¹ ² ³ maps ¤ ¤ ¤ ¤ ¹ ² ³ | |
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Turkmenistan is not a democracy, yet USAID provides critical support for the growth and development of
country-wide citizen initiatives. We are providing this support through the ISAR (formerly the Institute for Soviet-
American Relations) grant program for assistance to environmental non-governmental organizations. While
government policy prohibits the import of foreign magazines and newspapers, the Turkmen NGO, Catena, working
with its U.S. partner, the Sacred Earth Network, provides free NGO access to information from all over the world
through Catena's Internet link-up. Catena pays for its work with local NGOs by offering reasonable and reliable paid
Internet service to Turkmen businesses and government officials.
Turkmen NGO Promotes Civic Education. Another Turkmen NGO, Dialog Center for Civic Education, can be
counted along with Catena, as one of the few indigenous groups actively working in the rather restrictive
environment of Turkmenistan. With USAID funding through the National Endowment for Democracy and a grant
from the USAID funded NGO, Counterpart, Dialog recently took a significant step towards wide dissemination of
the concepts of civic education by publishing a book entitled "The ABCs of Civic Education." This book has been
well received as a vehicle for disseminating and promoting democratic principles and the concepts of civic
education.
In Kazakstan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan, the US through USAID provided technical assistance for
upgrading and improving water systems to supply potable water to populations at risk. By focusing on providing
safe drinking water supply, which is an environmental problem of the highest priority to each national government,
U.S. credibility and access was greatly enhanced. USAID's tangible investments in potable water improvements
have helped in turn to create strong working relationships with the region's new governments on issues of water
management. Beginning in 1995, this credibility was used to establish a new USAID-supported regional program
on water resources management to introduce concepts of water economics and conservation prevalent in the U.S.
& Europe to the broader Aral Basin.
FAOs ¹
²
Eurasian "foreign area officers"
prepare for intl posts in 18-month pgm at Geo.C. Marshall European Ctr
for Security Studies in Garmisch, Germany (nee U.S. Army Russian language & regional studies institute),
educating mid-level & senior military & civilian leaders from more than 30 Central & E.European and
Central Asian nations. Each FAO student sponsors a senior foreign student. "They become training aids for each
other, pick each other's brains, speak each other's languages." ¹
Central Asian states of the FSU which include Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan, and
Kyrgyzstan will be assigned to U.S. Central Command's Area of
Responsibility effective 10.1.99 ¤
¹
SOCCENT Special
Operations Command Central, MacDill AFBase Tampa, FL
"Assignment of Special Operation Force Liaison
Officers (SOF LNO) to selected American Embassies is SOCCENT's most successful Traditional CINC Activities
program. Liaison officers assist in planning and execution of SOF exercises, reducing the burden of such activities
on small embassy staffs. Small Unit Exchanges (SUE) bring small groups from AOR countries to train in the US
with SOCCENT components.
SOCCENT forces often provide the initial "foot in the door" for access, and
nurture relationships with key counterparts throughout the region."
Tkm NOT included in NATO Partnership for Peace training for combined peacekeeping &
humanitarian relief ops. 1997/98 ¹
Exercise Regional Cooperation 2001 nee CENTRASBAT Central Asian Peacekeeping Battalion ¹
conference "21st Century Problems of Security, Consolidation and Stability in the Central Asian
Region" re terrorism, drug trafficking and border insurgency 9.15-16.00 Alamaty, Kazakhstan
[ exSoviet troops now trained in Germany by & for Pax Americana ]
Las Vegas cum
Ashgabat: Central Asian sister armies of Staples
Center security squads.
Nuclear deterrence force still essential
3.31.98 asst sec.defense strategy & threat reduction Edw.Warner Senate Armed Services Committee
Cooperative Threat Reduction "Nunn-Lugar" pgm provides equipt, services & technical advice to
Tkm
DoD officials said emphasis in these countries will be on improving border controls and safeguarding material
& technology related to weapons of mass destruction. Despite accomplishments so far and activities presently
under way, DoD officials say, more work is needed; threat remains a reality. Russia still has about 6,700 nuclear
warheads and 1,200 missiles to carry them. DoD officials say the potential also exists for the spread
of nuclear weapons material from Russia's "vast, underpaid nuclear weapons complex." About 40,000 metric tons
of chemical agents and the ability to produce nuclear, chemical and biological agents remain in the former Soviet
territory. "Hostile regimes and instability threaten U.S. interests in key regions," DefSec Wm. Cohen told House
National Security Committee in February 1997.
U.S. arms sales ¹
ª
²
º
³
ª
Tkm 1997 grants $½ million materials ¹
$¼ million IMET
MEAN
¹
²
The Road Ahead. Over the next year, the USG will work to implement the delivery to the Turkmen of the equipment
described above. In addition, the USG will continue to encourage Turkmenistan to expand its drug control activities
and establish the necessary legislative institutions. The USG will continue to offer law enforcement training
opportunities, and will work to foster increased cooperation among Turkmenistan, the NIS and Russia in their
counternarcotics efforts. Finally, the USG will continue to assist Turkmenistan's border interdiction efforts.
2000
Accomplishments. A national drug intelligence information center sponsored by the UN Office of Drug Control and
Crime Prevention (UNODCCP) should be completed and operational beginning in 2001. It connects a central
server in the Ministry of Internal Affairs with computer systems in the State Drug Control Commission, the
Committee for National Security, the Border Guards, the General Prosecutor, and the Ministry of Health to facilitate
collection, analysis and exchange of drug-related intelligence and enhance the effectiveness of Turkmen
counternarcotics efforts. At the October 2000 UNODCCP/OSCE international conference on drugs, organized
crime and terrorism, the Government of Turkmenistan formally approved its participation in the UNODCCP-
sponsored precursor control project for Central Asia and signed the conference draft agreement on priority areas
Despite a lack of modern equipment and sufficient transport, Turkmen border forces are remarkably
effective in detecting and interdicting illegal crossings by armed smugglers.
IV. U.S. Policies and Initiatives
Bilateral Cooperation. The USG seeks to assist Turkmenistan in updating its law enforcement institutions and body
of law to more effectively counter the illegal drug trade. Turkmen officials participated in USG-sponsored training
programs in 2000, including courses for narcotics interdiction for border forces, regional and in-country drug
enforcement seminars, and law enforcement seminars at the International Law Enforcement Academy in Budapest,
Hungary.
The Road Ahead. The USG will continue to cooperate with Turkmenistan in its fight against the illegal drug trade.
Through international and non-government organizations and programs, such as UNODCCP and the American Bar
Association, the USG plans to assist Turkmenistan enhance its judicial and legal institutions to combat narcotics
smuggling organizations and crime associated with illegal drugs. The USG will encourage long-term demand
reduction efforts and foster supply reduction through interdiction training, law enforcement institution building and
the promotion of regional cooperation.
IHF-HR reports .pdf Tkm 5.25.01
women 11.21.00
religion 3.22.99
5.25.01 "The most precarious human rights
developments took place in Central Asian member states of the OSCE, where an escalation of violations was
reported in almost all fields of human rights, combined with increasing centralization of the authority of presidents
and their administrations.
Freedom of expression
The situation was worst in Turkmenistan,
"
TDA regional w/ national specifics
"
Only exports & reexports to
permitted end-users & end-uses located in countries in Computer Tier 3. License Exception CTP does not
authorize exports and reexports to Computer Tier 3 for nuclear, chemical, biological, or missile end-users &
end-uses and military end-users & end-uses subject to license requirements of the EAR. Such exports &
reexports will continue to require a license and will be considered on a case-by-case basis. Retransfers to these
end-users & end-uses in eligible countries are strictly prohibited without prior authorization. computers eligible
for License Exception CTP to Tier 3 destinations are those having a CTP greater than 6,500 MTOPS, but less than
or equal to 85,000 MTOPS, subject to the restrictions
BXA's System for Tracking Export License
Applications ("STELA'') 202.482.2752
Tkm = world's 5th largest natural gas reserves.|
To make the project viable it will have to transport one million barrels per day of oil from Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan,
and elsewhere around the Caspian Basin. Azerbaijan produces 100,000 barrels of oil a day which is about one-
tenth of the targeted production amount. Construction is supposed to begin in 2001 and the pipeline is expected to
begin operations in 2004, supplying refineries largely in the Mediterranean and Western Europe.
For Washington, the main problem after Russia is Iran, which is still subject to sanctions but, because of its
geographical situation and well-developed pipeline net, offers the most cost-effective and profitable route for
bringing Caspian oil to the West.
OSCE summit took place in Turkey
Russian assault on
Chechnya: a power struggle over Caspian oil 11.18.99 NATO at war with Yugoslavia for oil & gold 5.24.99
¹
[ speculative source ]
'Al-Qaeda targets Britain' headlines screamed from tabloids this past week. The fact that the British
embassy was hit matters little to Brits, who only ever take notice of events which are taking place in their own
backyard. Timing of the attack obviously coincided with the height of the protests against Bush's visit to London.
Why would George Bush's arch enemies provide a distraction that would reduce media coverage of the protests
against him significantly and allow him to grandstand with Tony Blair in a wallowing of fake sympathy?
theatre that a highly organized terrorist group called 'Al-Qaeda' exists.
so-called 'Al-Qaeda
ringleaders' who are arrested either already arrested, already dead, still on the loose, or were working for US govt
from the start. Terrorist groups not controlled by US govt are loosely affiliated zealots & their copy-cats.
Istanbul bombing was confirmed to have been the work of Al-Qaeda after somebody sent an E mail to a Turkish
news agency taking responsibility for the bombing on behalf of Al-Qaeda;
anybody could have sent it. Al-
Qaeda suddenly started claiming responsibility for things only after 9.11.01. bin Laden himself, between meeting
CIA agents and having more kidney dialysis, refused to 'take the credit' for 9.11.01 in an interview with a Pakistani
newspaper shortly after the event. Turkey's refusal to allow US troops into the country before the Iraq war delayed the bombing by weeks. They are also partly responsible for the tribal skirmishes for control which are killing US troops on a daily basis. After the war (officially) ended Turkey continued to complain and demanded the Mosul-Haifa oil pipeline to Israel be scrapped in favor of transporting the oil to the Turkish port of Ceyhan. The Turks suggested the Mosul-Haifa pipeline could threaten peaceful relations between Turkey & Israel. |
Turkmenistan, Russia discuss arms-for-gas deal 6.15.01 AP ¹ ²
Turkmenistan is contemplating bartering natural gas for Russian weapons, a top official from the Russian state
arms trading company said, indicating the Central Asian nation is looking for new ways to market its energy riches
in the cash-poor former Soviet region. Sergei Chemezov, first deputy director of the Rosoboronexport firm, said.
Turkmen President Saparmurat Niyazov expressed interest in an arms-for-gas deal during a meeting Thursday with
him and Igor Makarov, president of Itera, a U.S.-based gas-trading company affiliated with Russia's natural gas
monopoly Gazprom. Itera has a monopoly on Turkmen gas exports to other nations in the Commonwealth of
Independent States, a loose grouping of former Soviet republics.
Chemezov said the trio had discussed upgrading the Central Asian nation's Soviet-era weapons, as well as
supplying new military hardware. Chemezov said Niyazov instructed the Defense Ministry to examine the plan in
more detail and work out a cooperation program for the next 5 years. ''We have proposed that our services be paid
for in gas,'' he said. Turkmenistan sits on large reserves of oil and natural gas, which provide the only significant
source of revenue for the state. Chemezov said Niyazov expressed particular interest in ''naval hardware and
informed us that Turkmenistan is currently negotiating with Ukraine.'' Turkmenistan has a coast on the Caspian
Sea, and impoverished Ukraine is a major customer for Turkmen gas.
4Q.99 Kersten Wetenkamp New World Finally, the two partners agree to a trade-off deal involving Turkmeni cotton. Clausbruch knows a yarn manufacturer in Spain who is prepared to take the cotton at the going market rate. As a result, Turkmenistan is able to pay, albeit indirectly, for its telecommunications system. Known in the business as countertrade, such triangular deals allow global players to maintain a market presence in countries lacking the financial muscle to fund million- dollar projects. |
5.21.01 New gas exporters GECF organization est. 5.19.01 in Tehran. Russia & Turkmenistan also joined organization.
|
Baku-Ceyhan pipeline cost maybe higher than expected 5.6.01 NewsBase
David Woodward, president of the Azerbaijan International Operating Company (AIOC) and head of BP-Amoco's
Azerbaijan unit, said on June 4 that the cost of constructing a Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan (BTC) oil export pipeline might
be higher than expected. Previously, he noted, the companies involved in the oil transport project had figured the
cost of the pipeline at $ 2.4-2.7 bn. However, a basic engineering study completed last month indicates that the
price tag is likely to reach $ 2.8-2.9 bn, he said. The latter figure is more in line with industry analysts' predictions
that the Baku-Ceyhan pipeline would cost at least $ 3 bn and perhaps as much as $ 3.5 bn or more. Woodward
stressed, however, that it was too early to make definitive statements about the cost of the BTC project. The figures
in the basic engineering study are preliminary and bear a 30% margin of error, he stated. Once the partners in
the
project submit information on the expected cost of equipment, he said, it will become possible for the Main Export
Pipeline Company (MEPCO) to estimate construction costs more precisely, with only a 10% margin of
error.
BP-Amoco noted that the sponsor group was due to meet in June to approve plans for a detailed engineering study
of the BTC pipeline route. It will take about 12 months and $ 150 mm to complete this study, the company said.
BP-Amoco is the operator of the AIOC consortium, which would be the first to use the BTC pipeline, and the
second largest shareholder in MEPCO, which was set up to build the pipeline. Equity in MEPCO is currently split as
follows: the State Oil Company of Azerbaijan (SOCAR) holds 50%; BP-Amoco holds 25.41%; Delta Hess
and Unocal of U.S. hold 1.25% and 7.48%, respectively; Statoil of Norway holds 6.37%; Turkish
Petroleum (TPAO) holds 5.02%; and Itochu of Japan holds 2.92%. Ramco Energy of Great Britain, which
has sold its interest in the AIOC to Amerada Hess, Devon Energy and Unocal, holds the remaining 1.55% |
Blue Stream closes door to Turkmen gas 7.14.01 Kemal Ilter Turkish Daily News interview Ferruh Demirmen, petro consultant, Houston, TX; . Ph.D geology Stanford Univ., 30+ years Shell Intl retired 1994 "I am afraid Turkmen gas is lost to Turkey, at least for the next 10 years. The political leadership would not want to admit it, but in my view this is the stark truth. This did not have to be so"
Ankara Nearly 2 weeks ago Italy's Saipem engineering company broke ground to build twin natural
gas pipelines under the Black Sea from Russia to Turkey, known as the Blue Stream natural gas pipeline. A few
weeks later Kazakh oil will commence to be transported by ships via the Turkish straits, which have been under
threat of oil transportation not only from Kazakhstan but also Russia and early production of Caspian oils. These
two hot issues have been on Turkey's agenda and it seems they continue to be there. Therefore, the Turkish Daily
News wanted to discuss these issues with an expert. We interviewed respected expert Ferruh Demirmen, who is a
petroleum consultant and has spent more than 30 years working on oil issues. He made informative comments
concerning Blue Steam, Turkmen gas and Baku-Ceyhan pipeline issues.
TDN You have been critical of the Blue Stream project in the past. Some of your concerns have
been the technical difficulties associated with this project. Vittoria Mincato, the CEO of ENI, stated in the recent
energy conference (The Story of Three Seas) in Istanbul that ENI is experienced with such projects. What is your
reaction? I mentioned these risks in one of my articles published in your |
Let me hasten to add in this connection that I am not at all opposed to new technology. Innovation and technology,
in fact, are a part and parcel of petroleum industry, and in a sense, they form the bloodstream of the industry. New
technology, however, always entails a learning curve, and brings with it the risk of failure. New technology,
therefore, must be justified on a need basis (such as cost reduction or lack of an alternative), and the risks
associated must be acceptable. In the case of Blue Stream, I see just the opposite. Compared to the Azeri and
Turkmen gas projects, Blue Stream will be the least competitive cost-wise, and the risk of failure, including potential
environmental consequences, is high.
A far more sensible alternative to Blue Stream would have been an overland gas pipeline from the Russian town of
Izobil'noye to Erzurum across Georgia. The transit fee payable to Georgia under this scheme would have been far
outweighed by the lower cost of construction, ease of construction, and negligible environmental risks. The project
would have also contributed to the economic prosperity and political stability in the Caucasian region. The only
advantage, as it were, I see with Blue Stream is the prestige it may bring to ENI (Saipem) and Gazprom -- prestige
that I am afraid may be short lived.
In any case, what Turkey has to gain from Blue Stream that it could not have gained from the overland Izobil'noye-
Erzurum alternative, is not at all evident. Turkish energy officials, politicians and business circles defending Blue
Stream have been mysteriously silent on this issue.
TDN Mr. Mincato of ENI also stated during "The Story of Three Seas" conference that Turkey will
need so much gas in the near future that it does not have time to discuss or argue about Blue Stream.
F.Demirmen Mr. Mincato must have made that statement with a tongue in cheek. Turkey, indeed,
will need lots of natural gas for domestic consumption and to fuel its economy, but it has committed itself to buying
so much gas that it runs the risk of oversupply. Concern for oversupply was the reason why Turkey did not want to
purchase more than 6.6 bcm of gas a year from Azerbaijan. The same concern is reflected (or hinted) even in the
language contained in the new Natural Gas Market Act that took effect recently. Blue Stream figures prominently in
Turkey's gas demand-supply equation, and it is appropriate that it receives close scrutiny in public forums.
Furthermore, Blue Stream has ramifications that go beyond gas demand-supply question. At present, Russian-
sourced gas already makes up more than half of domestic gas consumption. Depending on what the forecast is
regarding future gas consumption, in the next decade Russian-sourced gas including Blue Stream will constitute
from 50 percent to nearly 100 percent of Turkey's domestic gas consumption. Such heavy dependence on Russia
is obviously excessive from strategic and energy security points of view. It amounts to mortgaging to a large extent
the country's energy needs on Russia. It could also be cause for concern for industries and businesses that rely on
Russian gas for power generation, etc. How could Turkey be so relaxed or complacent about this issue? Not long
ago, Poland passed a law that limits its reliance on Russian gas to no more than 40 percent of its domestic
need.
TDN How do you see the future of Turkmen gas as far as Turkey is concerned?
F.Demirmen In so far as domestic consumption, Turkey had to make a choice between Blue
Stream and trans-Caspian Turkmen gas projects (TCGP). Having made the decision to go ahead with Blue Stream,
Turkey closed the door for Turkmen gas for domestic consumption purposes. The gas demand-supply equation
simply makes Turkmen gas a nonviable option for Turkey.
Turkmen gas can in principle be imported to southern Europe via Turkey and Greece (the so-called INOGATE
project), and this is purportedly what the Turkish energy officials and some politicians still have in mind. However,
unless somebody is willing to put up capital in pursuit of political goals -- which is very unlikely -- I believe
INOGATE's prospects as an economic entity are very dim. TCGP gas in southern Europe will face fierce
competition from alternative sources, in particular Algeria. Azeri gas also has clear market advantage over TCGP
gas.
Russia and Iran, both of which have vast gas reserves, have also tried to obstruct TCGP on ecological grounds and
by raising the legal status of the Caspian Sea as a thorny issue. Russia does not want to loosen its historical grip
on Turkmen gas, and Iran is a long-term competitor to Turkmenistan on gas exports.
TDN Do you mean Turkmen gas is lost for Turkey?
F.Demirmen I am afraid so, at least for the next 10 years or so. The political leadership would not
want to admit it, but in my view this is the stark truth. This did not have to be so. After the breakup of the Soviet
Union in 1991, the Turkic republics in Central Asia and the Caspian region wanted to look beyond Russia for
guidance and economic prosperity and to foster their newly gained political independence. Turkey's geographic
position and its close ethnic and linguistic ties to these republics (not to mention religious affinity) gave Turkey the
perfect opportunity to fill the role of leadership toward these nations. What was needed was a long-term strategic
vision that transcended short-term commercial interests.
Turkey was only partially successful in such a leadership role, and in the case of Turkmenistan, its policy was a
dismal failure. For Turkmenistan, exporting its rich gas resources westward along an east-west corridor was of vital
importance. It saw the TCGP project as the embodiment of such aspirations. With much fanfare, Turkmenistan and
Turkey signed inter-governmental protocols and a gas-supply agreement involving TCGP, which was strongly
supported by the United States. The project had the backing of a reputable and financially strong Western
consortium (Bechtel-GE Capital-Shell) that was seriously interested in the project.
But once Blue Stream entered the scene as a firm project, TCGP effectively lost its "raison d'etre." From then on,
TCGP was primarily a political project, useful for some Turkish politicians to talk about but holding little real
promise. Projects supported by mere political rhetoric and not backed by real need rarely become a reality. Turkey
could not absorb both Blue Stream and TCGP at the same time.
It is true that some other obstacles arose in the path of TCGP, such as Turkmenistan President Suparmurat
Turkmenbasi's insistence on some advance payment from the United States and more importantly, the Shah Deniz
gas-condensate discovery in Azerbaijan. There were also personality conflicts. However, these were not
insurmountable problems.
With regard to Shah Deniz, Turkey, acting as a benevolent "big brother," could have brought Turkmenbasi and
Azerbaijan President Haydar Aliyev together to resolve their dispute on the sharing of a gas pipeline from
Turkmenistan to Turkey. That required good will and smooth relations with both countries. Having lost credibility, in
fact good will, in the eyes of Turkmenistan because of Blue Stream, for Turkey such a role was hardly
conceivable.
TDN What do you think about U.S. position on Blue Stream?
F.Demirmen U.S. has not advocated Blue Stream mainly because it saw it as a rival to TCGP,
which it supported. The TCGP is part of the east-west energy corridor extending from the Caspian region to the
West, bypassing both Russia and Iran. By supporting the east-west energy corridor, including the TCGP, the
United States has tried to reduce the influence of Russia, and to some extent Iran, on the economic development of
the New Independent States of the former Soviet Union. For the United States, this had the dual advantage of
promoting the welfare and independence of these states while at the same time increasing the energy security of
the West. I believe the U.S. also opposed Blue Stream because the project increased Turkey's dependence on
Russia in terms of its energy needs. The United States has historically valued Turkey not only as a NATO ally, but
also as a secular and democratic Islamic country in a critical region.
TDN When we look at recent events, the Baku-Ceyhan option seems to be more powerful than
before. Do you agree on this issue? Is there any obstacle in front of Baku-Ceyhan?
F.Demirmen The Baku-Ceyhan project gained a major impetus, in fact experienced a near-
breakthrough, within the last few months. There were several reasons for the dramatic turn of events. One reason
was that the basic engineering study that was completed in May alleviated cost concerns. The new cost estimate is
now $2.8-2.9 billion, higher than the $2.4 billion previous estimate, but still within the economically acceptable
range. It is also worth pointing out that the additional cost pertains to such items as upgrade of the Azerbaijan
terminal for oil batching operations (to include Kazakh oil) and expropriation of land in Azerbaijan and Georgia.
These additional cost items had been foreseen but not included in the earlier cost estimate.
The second reason was the confidence that the potential investors gained regarding the economic significance of
the Kashagan field in Kazakhstan. The Kashagan West well, completed in June, found oil, which was from the
same reservoir as oil found in Kashagan East. This confirmed that Kashagan is a major oil field that could
contribute to Baku-Ceyhan's throughput in the event of reserves insufficiency from the Azeri side.
The third reason was the affirmation, in the last month or so, by the Bush administration that it would continue the
Clinton administration's energy policy in the Caspian region. Among others, this meant continued support to Baku-
Ceyhan. All the signals coming from the Bush administration indicate that the U.S. trade sanctions against Iran will
not be lifted in the foreseeable future. This means the Iran option will remain effectively closed, giving a further
boost to Baku-Ceyhan.
The major development, perhaps overshadowing all these developments, however, was the BP's confirmation in
recent months that Baku-Ceyhan is economic. BP went ahead even further, by declaring that reserves in
Azerbaijan alone were sufficient to render Baku-Ceyhan viable. In other words, the Kazakh oil, while welcome, was
no longer essential. The seal of approval given by BP was a crucial endorsement that Baku-Ceyhan needed. The
sponsor group has approved expenditures ($150 million) for detailed engineering, and other oil companies,
including Chevron, TotalFinaElf and ENI, all outside AIOC and previously not supportive of Baku-Ceyhan, have
expressed interest in the project. Even Russia, probably prompted by the desire to deflect intense criticism of Blue
Stream in the Turkish media in recent months, has softened its criticism of Baku-Ceyhan.
To return to your main question, I now see Baku-Ceyhan as a near-certain project with 90-95 percent chance that it
will materialize. Barring exceptional and unforeseen circumstances, there is little that stands in the path of the
project. Investor support for the construction phase seems all but certain.
TDN You mentioned BP's crucial endorsement. BP, like other oil companies, had previously
opposed Baku-Ceyhan. And many analysts had given little chance to Baku-Ceyhan. Why did BP change its
position, and why were many analysts so pessimistic?
F.Demirmen BP's endorsement was long in the making, and its announcement did not come as a
surprise. In fact, in some subtle ways, BP had been hinting its assessment since last fall. I am sure BP knew since
early last year that Baku-Ceyhan was economic given prevailing oil-price scenarios. Considering reserves in the
ACG fields and Shah Deniz, I suspect Baku-Ceyhan was economic even at $15/barrel (real term). With oil prices
becoming more robust and oil prices, at least for the midterm, expected to remain at $20 plus level, Baku-Ceyhan's
viability was not in doubt. This is what I had maintained repeatedly myself on different occasions.
BP, however, chose to delay its firm endorsement of Baku-Ceyhan until recently partly because it needed to be
more confident about oil-price forecasts and partly because it wanted leverage vis-a-vis the Iran option. With the
Iran option remaining closed indefinitely, gradually an element of inevitability about Baku-Ceyhan emerged. Further
waiting or uncertainty would have meant further delay in full-field development of ACG, which the company did not
want to see happen. Shah Deniz development and gas export to Turkey was also in the offing.
As expected, project economics also improved with technology. Thanks to technology, wells in the ACG fields that
were originally predicted to produce 5,000-7,000 barrels of oil per day (bo/d) came onstream at double these rates,
some reaching 30,000 bo/d. This reduced field development cost. I am sure further reductions in cost will be
forthcoming.
As for the analysts and pundits who were pessimistic or critical of Baku-Ceyhan, they ignored the dynamics of the
oil industry, including the nonstatic character of reserves, underestimated the significance of Shah Deniz, and
underestimated the growing concern, in particular in Europe, for increased tanker traffic in the Bosporus. Many also
misread Vice President Dick Cheney's role in the Bush administration. Mr. Cheney played a key role in formulating
Mr. Bush's energy policy. Many analysts and oil companies that had thought or hoped for Mr. Cheney to steer a
pro-Iranian oil policy have been proven to be wrong. The pundits who persistently claimed insufficiency of reserves
for Baku-Ceyhan have also been wrong. BP chief Sir John Browne's announcement In "The Story of Three Seas"
conference last month, that the Azeri reserves were sufficient to make Baku-Ceyhan economic, was very
significant.
TDN Can you elaborate on the role of Shah Deniz with Baku-Ceyhan?
F.Demirmen Shah Deniz played a pivotal role in bringing Baku-Ceyhan to its current stage.
Discovery of the field in mid-1999 prompted BP and Statoil, both of AIOC, to change their basic strategy toward
Baku-Ceyhan. The prospect of exporting gas to Turkey gave these companies a strong commercial incentive to
support Baku-Ceyhan. Shah Deniz also provided badly needed liquid (condensate) reserves for Baku-Ceyhan.
TDN What about Chevron and ExxonMobil? Do you think they will join Baku-Ceyhan?
F.Demirmen Early this year Chevron expressed interest in Baku-Ceyhan. Where the company
stands now in this respect, I do not know. Chevron's eventual participation in the project will heavily depend on the
results of Absheron-1 exploration drilling results. The company has been keeping a tight rein on the information
from this well. Unconfirmed reports indicate that the well found gas, but the commercial significance of this find is
not known. If the Absheron structure holds commercial oil or gas, I very much suspect that Chevron will join Baku-
Ceyhan. As for ExxonMobil, so far it has shown no interest in Baku-Ceyhan. The recently announced discouraging
exploration results from the offshore Oguz concession in Azerbaijan, where ExxonMobil has an interest, are a
disincentive for the company to join Baku-Ceyhan. However, ExxonMobil has other exploration interests in
Azerbaijan, and its position vis-ŕ-vis Baku-Ceyhan may change over time.
TDN Is Baku-Ceyhan the only route to protect the Turkish straits environmentally?
F.Demirmen Before I answer that question, let me briefly point out the magnitude of the problem
facing the Turkish straits. At present, some 50,000 commercial ships a year transit the Turkish straits, of which
5,500 are tankers that carry oil or oil products. The CPC pipeline that became operational this summer will
eventually have a throughput of 65 million tons a year. The oil, coming from the North Caspian region, will reach
the Russian port Novorossiysk and is currently destined for shipment to the West via the Turkish straits. That
means oil tanker traffic through the Straits will easily double or triple.
However, this is not all. The CPC pipeline was designed before the Kashagan field was discovered. It is almost
certain that some of the Kashagan oil will also find its way to Novorossiysk. That could mean oil tanker traffic
through the straits increasing easily four or five-fold. That would certainly be not acceptable. It is therefore very
important to find ways whereby Caspian oil would reach Western markets without transiting the straits.
Baku-Ceyhan is certainly a step in the right direction toward that goal. But it will not be enough. Some of the North
Caspian oil reaching Novorossiysk should also be diverted away from the straits. Some Balkan options bypassing
the straits have been considered in the past. The most notable of these is the Albanian-Macedonian-Bulgarian
route known under the acronym AMBO. This is an oil pipeline project supported by the United States (which funded
the feasibility study carried out by Brown & Root) and the European Union. I understand Russia also is
interested.
I should stress that the bypass options such as AMBO are not ideal from an environmental point of view. They
should also not be viewed as alternatives to Baku-Ceyhan. AMBO will help lessen oil tanker traffic through the
straits, but oil must still be transported from Novorossiysk to Bourgas (the Bulgarian port) by tankers across the
Black Sea. So, the Black Sea will remain exposed to dangers caused by oil tanker accidents. But a project such as
AMBO at least offers a realistic alternative to maritime oil transport through the straits.
TDN What about the current infighting in Macedonia? Will it affect the AMBO project?
F.Demirmen The current political turmoil in Macedonia has certainly thrown cold water on AMBO,
but once the political situation there settles, the project will undoubtedly attract renewed interest. I would also add
that there has recently been an increased concern at international level about the safety of the straits from oil
tanker traffic. This was quite evident in "The Story of Three Seas" conference. The start-up of the CPC pipeline, the
increased campaign by nongovernmental organizations against the CPC, and the Turkish government's more
proactive stance in this regard have helped bring about this situation. This is all a very positive development.
Perhaps now is the time to capitalize on this momentum and try to divert some of the Novorossiysk-bound CPC oil
away from the straits.
|
Transportation, Communication, Integration 5.25.97 Ashgabat, Turkmenistan Cent.Asia conf. C.Asia-Caucasus Inst., Carnegie Endowment for Intl Peace. Unocal & Cargill contrib.; Tkm govt committed resources. By far least discussed of 5 Central Asian republics, Turkmenistan, is due to become one of the most important to U. S. Bordering on Iran & Taleban-controlled part of Afghanistan, Turkmenistan has evident strategic importance. Its unique foreign policy of 'Positive Neutrality' marks it out as a special case in strategic terms. But it is Tkm vast natural gas deposits, currently est. at one third of world's remaining reserves, that make engagement & understanding of the country an absolute imperative. |
5.8.01 Dr Robt M. Cutler NewsBase |
1. The Kyapaz/Serdar conflict and its background
Later that month, Rosneft pulled out of the agreement because Turkmenistan challenged Azerbaijan's rights to
Kyapaz. Turkmenistan claimed rights to this field, which it called the Serdar field and for which it announced
tenders for development in September of 1997. Turkmenistan had originally sought to include the Azeri and Chirag
fields, to which the Azerbaijan International Operating Company (AIOC) holds rights, in a broader claim, but in the
end it focused on the Kyapaz/Serdar field. SOCAR made it clear to all concerned that in its view Turkmenistan had
no legal basis or right to the contested field, and by the spring of 1999 this conflict had become the main
outstanding issue in relations between Azerbaijan and Turkmenistan.
2. Where the Trans-Caspian gas pipeline project comes in
In 1999, Niyazov tried to hold agreement on the Trans-Caspian Gas Pipeline (TCGP) project hostage to the
outcome of the Kyapaz/Serdar dispute. The question was over the volumes of natural gas from the two sides to be
allocated to the TCGP, the fate of which was tied to efforts to obtain a regional agreement on the Baku-Tbilisi-
Ceyhan (BTC) main export pipeline. Because the United States insisted that the AIOC's Azeri and Chirag oil fields
belonged indisputably to Azerbaijan, Turkmenistan showed little interest in helping Washington facilitate an accord
on the BTC pipeline. Turkmenistan's position then seemed to change in September of 1999, when Azerbaijan
threatened to insist that national sectors in the Caspian be delimited before it helped to build the Trans-Caspian
Gas Pipeline (TCGP).
Coincidence or not, one result of the November 1999 OSCE summit in Istanbul, where documents covering both
the TCGP and BTC projects were signed, was that Azerbaijan and Turkmenistan agreed not to allow the
Kyapaz/Serdar disagreement to stand in the way of cooperation on the TCGP. But other obstacles arose early in
2000. The conflict between Azerbaijan and Turkmenistan escalated when Azerbaijan sought to secure space in the
TCGP for gas from its offshore Shah-Deniz field, where unexpectedly large gas reserves had been discovered.
Baku asked for a quota of 14 bn cmpy, nearly half of the TCGP's projected volume of 30 bn cmpy.
According to the original projections, Turkey contracted to receive 16 bn cm of Turkmenistani gas per year via the
TCGP for its domestic market. Turkmenistan, meanwhile, planned on using the pipeline's remaining volume to
obtain much needed hard currency by sending 14 bn cmpy of gas to Turkey for re-export to Europe. After the
TCGP talks in Ashgabat faltered in mid-February, Azerbaijan and Turkmenistan clashed. Azerbaijan threatened to
construct its own pipeline with the BP-Amoco-led Shah-Deniz consortium, and this project has since gone
independently forward.
3. Kyapaz/Serdar demarcation: A case study in a never-ending story
Niyazov addressed the Kyapaz/Serdar issue in public statements following the recent Turkic summit in Ankara. He
said that Turkmenistan and Azerbaijan had agreed to go forward with discussions on the delimitation of their
national sectors in the Caspian in the region of the Kyapaz/Serdar field. He and Aliyev in fact held discussions at
the summit, their first face-to-face talks in several years. They agreed to consider the Kyapar/Serdar issue in the
context of problems connected to the definition of the new international legal status of the Caspian Sea. (About 25
% of the Kyapaz/Serdar deposit would probably lie in Turkmenistan's sector of the Caspian Sea if the Caspian were
divided by the median-line rule.)
A bilateral expert commission on demarcation was created in 1998, but it never met. Aliyev and Niyazov agreed in
Ankara that it should actually meet, and its work was to help set the stage for the summit in Turkmenbashi later this
year. And meet it did, in Ashgabat in early May. However, it broke up a few days later in a shower of recriminations
from the Turkmenistani side, which charged that the Azerbaijani side was responsible for the "total deadlock."
Niyazov declared that the demarcation issue should be decided by international-law experts without input from
representatives of industrial interests.
In the past, Azerbaijan had offered to assist in joint exploitation of the deposits, which Turkmenistan is unable to
undertake alone in a cost-effective manner. However, Ashgabat has consistently rejected such proposals. It is
therefore reasonable to infer from current news reports that Baku has failed to accede to a request from Ashgabat,
in line with the latter's public diplomatic position, that all sides (meaning Azerbaijan) desist from industrial activities
(meaning research and exploration) in the disputed zone until agreement is reached (possibly meaning
indefinitely).
4. Another "take" on Caspian demarcation
5. The end of a different story
However, the success in negotiating the BTC framework accords, which were signed at the late 1999 Istanbul
OSCE summit, illustrates that even such a demand as Ersumer is supposed to have made is not outlandish and
could even pass for normal practice. Indeed, Niyazov's criticism of Ersumer cannot be taken as realistic, since it
implies that Turkmenistan deserves to have the deal handed to it on a platter. The most telling comment may have
been made by Aliyev, who said when asked about the TCGP by an Azerbaijani journalist, "Why are you asking?"
He continued: "We are only a transit country and... have no other interests here.... [Niyazov has] rejected the idea
[and] it does not make much difference to us." Nor was there an on-the-record response from Ankara to Niyazov's
statement that it was "up to Turkey" to choose whether it wanted the TCGP or not.
TURKMENISTAN size 188,456 sq. mi.; pop. 4.19 million Former party boss Saparmurat
Niyazov became president Oct. 1990. Niyazov sees himself as a modern Ataturk but rules the country like a
medieval khan. Despite Niyazov's promises of great oil & gas wealth, the country's population still has lowest
life expectancy of any former Soviet republic.
Leaders of 6 Turkic-speaking countries have met in Istanbul for an annual summit and pledged to build closer
economic ties between their countries. The summit brought together the presidents of Turkey, Azerbaijan,
Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan and Kyrgyzstan, and the parliament speaker of Uzbekistan. Pipeline projects to
transport the region's oil and natural gas resources to world markets, and a scheme to revive the historic Silk Road
route from Europe to China, are likely to figure in talks during the summit's two days. "These meetings have come
to symbolize the mutual respect and common interests which exist among us," the summit's host, Turkish President
Ahmet Necdet Sezer, said in opening the meetings. A pipeline that would bring oil from the region to Turkey's
Mediterranean coast is likely to be a key topic of discussion. The pipeline would bypass Russia and Iran and
strengthen the region's ties with the West.
Amazon re
Turkmenistan
Pope's mission: Taking on Kremlin one more time
F. HILL
Ukraine was part of Russian Empire since 1600s. But really, Ukraine is cradle
not only of Russian state & Russian Empire, but also cradle of Christianity in Russian lands. And
it's been a battle ground of Catholicism & Eastern Orthodoxy for several centuries now.
Turkmenistan's economy is still almost entirely under state control. The government has pursued import-
substitution policies in many sectors, especially in agriculture, which represents the largest sector of the
economy. Official statistics show strong growth in the national economy after nearly a decade of continual
decline; however, these statistics are neither reliable nor readily available, as the government treats basic
indicators such as inflation and GDP growth as confidential information. It is therefore impossible for outside
observers to measure growth accurately, but the Turkmen Government's claims are almost certainly untrue.
Turkmenistan's agricultural sector is unreformed and, according to unofficial estimates, has remained static or
declined over the past few years, despite government-mandated increases in production of the country's two
principal crops, cotton and wheat. The main factors limiting the potential of agriculture in Turkmenistan are the
scarcity of water resources, and the inefficient management of what little water is available for irrigation. On the
other hand, Turkmenistan has large deposits of oil and gas, and is able to finance its economic polices through
gas sales, most of which are still to Iran, Russia and other NIS countries.
Turkmenistan's overall debt situation remains worrisome. The country's external debt is estimated at almost $2
billion, and the Central Bank has virtually no official reserves. The government is technically in default to
various international creditors. The International Monetary Fund (IMF) includes Niyazov's Foreign Export
Reserve Fund (FERF), which it estimates at $1.5 billion, in its calculation of Turkmenistan's official reserves but
President Niyazov has made it clear that these funds are not available to meet Turkmenistan's external debt
obligations. Turkmenistan's fiscal deficit is less clear. The government claims that it is running a budget
surplus, but the budget is not transparent and many government ministries are required to cover their own
expenditures. Expenditures for large showcase projects designed to beautify the capital city of Ashgabat and to
improve the nation's infrastructure continue to mount. Meanwhile, foreign investment other than in the country's
oil and gas sector is small and is probably declining. Convertibility problems top the list of problems faced by
foreign investors. The official exchange rate, to which foreign firms are forced to adhere, is roughly a fourth of
the black-market rate. Foreign firms are unable to convert Turkmenistan's national currency, the manat, back
into hard currency without substantial losses. The dual exchange rates also fuel official corruption, as
individuals with access to foreign currency at the official exchange rate are able to profit through arbitrage.
Official corruption is another principal obstacle to foreign investment. All in all, Turkmenistan's near-term
political and economic outlook offers few prospects for serious reforms that would build the necessary
foundation for long-term economic growth and democracy; however, the country has great political and
economic potential.
p 376 TURKMENISTAN CRITERIA FOR U.S. ASSISTANCE UNDER SECTION 498A(a) OF THE
FOREIGN ASSISTANCE ACT OF 1961
Turkmenistan remains a one-party state dominated by its president and his closest advisors. Despite President
Niyazov's commitments during and after his April 1998 visit to the U.S., the Tkm Govt has failed to
take any concrete steps to strengthen the rule of law and political pluralism. The 50-member unicameral parliament
(Mejlis) has no genuinely independent authority, and in practice the president controls the judicial system.
Seriously flawed parliamentary elections held on December 12, 1999 included only govt-selected candidates and
did not allow for any free political discourse; turnout was announced at 98.9 percent, despite reports that many
polling places remained empty throughout the election day. A 1994 referendum of questionable constitutionality
having already extended President Niyazov's term of office to ten years (through 2002), on December 28, 1999, the
Mejlis extended his presidency indefinitely in response to a unanimous resolution by the annual People's Council
that he be made president for life.
The Tkm Govt severely restricts freedom of speech and does not permit freedom of the press. There
is no organized political opposition in Turkmenistan, and individual opposition figures are regularly harassed and/or
imprisoned for their activities. The govt completely controls the media, censoring all newspapers and domestic
electronic media and rarely permitting independent criticism of government policy or officials. The government
registered no new political parties in 1999; the only officially registered party is the Democratic Party (formerly the
Communist Party of Turkmenistan). Freedom of peaceful assembly and association are restricted in practice.
The government does not allow any public meetings or demonstrations involving a political agenda or criticism of
government policies. In practice, the govt also prevents private political meetings and gatherings from taking
place.
Section 498A(a)(2): "make significant progress in, and is committed to the comprehensive implementation of,
economic reform based on market principles, private ownership, and integration into the world economy, including
implementation of the legal & policy frameworks necessary for such reform (including protection of intellectual
property and respect for contracts)."
p 377 Section 498A(a)(3): "respect internationally recognized human rights, including the rights of minorities
and the rights to freedom of religion and emigration."
The constitution guarantees freedom of religion and does not establish a state religion. However, while recent
amendments to Turkmen law purport to provide greater religious freedom, they tighten govt control over religious
groups. The govt tries to control all Islamic activity. In contrast to the Soviet era, when imams were
chosen by their communities, imams now are appointed by the govt only. Since 1997, the govt has forbidden
the teaching of Islamic theology by imams affiliated with mosques. Religious congregations are technically required
to register with the govt. The requirement that religious organizations have at least 500 members has prevented all
but two religions, Russian Orthodox Christianity and Sunni Islam, from registering. During 2000, the Turkmen
Government continued its harassment of minority religious faiths.
The govt does not generally restrict movement within Turkmenistan, although travel to border zones is tightly
controlled. The govt uses its power to issue passports and exit visas as a general means of restricting international
travel by its critics. While most citizens of Turkmenistan are permitted to emigrate without undue restriction, some
govt opponents have been denied the opportunity to emigrate. As part of a presidentially approved master
redevelopment plan for Ashgabat, the govt is forcibly displacing residents from several neighborhoods with less
than a week's advanced notification and minimal, if any, compensation for their destroyed property. Inst. for
Democracy & Human Rights (IDAHR) was founded in 1996 with a mandate to support democratization and
monitor the protection of human rights. While an IDAHR investigation of poor prison conditions led to a general
amnesty, the Institute is not independent of the govt. Initial hopes that the IDAHR would serve as an ombudsman
for the people have not been realized.
Section 498A(a)(4): "respect international law and obligations and adhere to the Helsinki Final Act of the
Conference on Security & Cooperation in Europe and the Charter of Paris, including the obligations to refrain
from the threat or use of force and to settle disputes peacefully."
Section 498A(a)(5): "cooperate in seeking peaceful resolution of ethnic and regional conflicts."
Section 498A(a)(6): "implement responsible security policies, including:
Section 498A(a)(7): "take constructive actions to protect the international environment, prevent significant
transborder pollution, and promote sustainable use of natural resources."
Section 498A(a)(8): "deny support for acts of international terrorism."
Section 498A(a)(9): "accept responsibility for paying an equitable portion of the indebtedness to U.S. firms
incurred by the former Soviet Union."
Section 498A(a)(10): "cooperate with the U.S. Government in uncovering all evidence regarding Americans listed
as prisoners-of-war, or otherwise missing during American operations, who were detained in the former Soviet
Union during the Cold War."
p 379 Section 498A(a)(11): "terminate support for the communist regime in Cuba, including removal of
troops, closing of military and intelligence facilities, including the military and intelligence facilities at Lourdes and
Cienfuegos, and ceasing trade subsidies and economic, nuclear, and other assistance."
TURKMENISTAN CHECKLIST FOR GROUNDS OF INELIGIBILITY UNDER SECTION 498A(b) OF THE
FOREIGN ASSISTANCE ACT OF 1961
Section 498A(b)(2): Has the President determined that the Tkm Govt "has failed to take constructive
actions to facilitate the effective implementation of applicable arms control obligations derived from agreements
signed by the former Soviet Union"?
Section 498A(b)(3): Has the President determined that, after October 24, 1992, the Tkm Govt
"knowingly transferred to another country
Section 498A(b)(4): Is the Tkm Govt "prohibited from receiving such assistance by section 101 or 102
of the Arms Export Control Act or sections 306(a)(1) and 307 of the Chemical and Biological Weapons Control and
Warfare Elimination Act of 1991"?
Section 498A(b)(5): Has the President determined and certified within 30 days to the appropriate congressional
committees that the Tkm Govt "is providing assistance for, or engaging in non-market-based trade (as
defined in section 498B(k)(3)) with the Cuban Govt? If so, has the President taken action to withhold assistance
from Turkmenistan under the Foreign Assistance Act within 30 days of such a determination, or has Congress
enacted legislation disapproving the determination within that 30-day period?"
p 394 VI. Assessments required by 1999 Silk Road Strategy Act
Since FY 1993, U.S. Govt-funded exchange programs have brought almost 1,000 Turkmen citizens to the U.S. for
short-term professional or long-term academic training, including some 110 in FY 2000 alone. These programs give
participants an opportunity to develop their skills and establish valuable contacts with U.S. counterparts. USAID
Training Programs: FY2000 USAID's Global Training for Development (GTD) Project conducted a total of 31
programs for 426 Turkmen participants: four U.S.-based programs for a total of 9 participants; 15 third-country
programs for a total of 44 participants and 12 in-country programs for a total of 373 participants. Training topics
included oil-spill response, oil and gas regulation, NGO-sector development, asset liability management and bank
supervision.
State Dept NIS College/University Partnership Program
p 101 USDA Cochran Fellowship Program
USAID Economic Restructuring Programs
CAAEF Central Asian - American Enterprise Fund
FTF USAID Farmer-to-Farmer Program
USAID Budget Reform Programs
USAID Energy-Sector Programs
Democracy Programs
Democracy Fund Small Grants Pgm
USAID NGO Development Programs
USAID Rule-of-Law Programs
State Dept Law Enforcement Training
As Turkmenistan continues to be a popular transit country for drug traffickers, U.S. Govt-funded law enforcement
training has increasingly focused on increasing the country's counter-narcotics capabilities. In addition, the U.S.
Govt provided assistance and training for police academy instructors, major criminal case investigators and other
law enforcement officials.
Security Programs
Regional Security & Stability Programs
p 104 Social-Sector & Humanitarian Assistance
Health Partnerships
Reproductive Health Pgm
Operation Provide Hope, State Dept
Cross-Sectoral Programs
Pgms promoting 1999 Silk Road Strategy Act (SRSA) objectives
Preview of FY 2001 Pgms
USAID will expand its assistance in the areas of reproductive health and infectious disease surveillance and
control, with an emphasis on hepatitis and the Directly Observed Therapy Short Course (DOTS) tuberculosis
control program. USAID also expects to continue its support for training family physicians and providing
reproductive health education. Whenever possible, USAID's health-related activities will continue to partner
civic & community-based organizations with Turkmen Govt health services.
p 130 STRATEGIC ASSISTANCE AREA 1: ECONOMIC RESTRUCTURING
STRATEGIC OBJECTIVE 1.1: The increased transfer of state-owned enterprises to the private sector
p133 STRATEGIC OBJECTIVE 1.2: Increased soundness of fiscal policies & fiscal management
practices
p 146 STRATEGIC OBJECTIVE 1.5: A more economically sound & environmentally sustainable
energy sector
Oil and Gas Development
p 148 STRATEGIC ASSISTANCE AREA 2: DEMOCRATIC TRANSITION
U.S.-Russian young leadership fellows for public service (FSA-funded)
p 185 SABIT U.S. Commerce Dept special american business internship training pgm
DEMOCRACY PROGRAMS
p 194 State Dept ACTTA Anti-Crime Training & Technical Assistance
p 239 U.S. Defense Dept Counterproliferation Programs
p 250 U.S. CRDF Civilian R&D Fdtn
p 254 State Dept Export Control And Related Border Security Assistance
p 262 State Dept Peacekeeping Operations
p 279 U.S. Dept of Interior MMS Minerals Management Service
p 283 USDA Food Assistance Programs
p 286 State Dept Coordinator's Office Humanitarian Assistance
p 302 PEACE CORPS
p 307 CDP U.S.-Israel Cooperative Development Program
p 308 U.S. support for international financial institutions
Meanwhile Kazakhstan proposed a bilateral agreement with Azerbaijan on demarcation in the Caspian. Both of
these countries have signed bilateral agreements with Russia providing for use of the "modified median-line"
principle for defining national sectors, with the seabed and subsoil resources divided between the sides and waters
remaining in common. The line dividing them joins the edge of the Russian sector in the north and the edge of the
Turkmenistani sector in the south. According to reports, Kazakhstan is already in consultation with Russia on the
coordinates of their bilateral line of demarcation, which would fix the northernmost point of the Kazakstan-
Azerbaijan line. It will be most interesting to see whether Russia and Kazakhstan can bring Turkmenistan along as
regards the southernmost point. If the Turkmenistani side did make such an agreement, it would mark the first time
that Ashgabat has made public a position in favour of the modified median-line principle.
The TCGP, as well as the Kyapaz/Serdar issue, also came in for comment by Niyazov at the Turkic summit. The
Turkmenistani president took the opportunity to blame Cumhur Ersumer, Turkey's former energy minister, for the
problems with the TCGP. Towards the end of April, indictments were handed down against 15 individuals for
bribery and kickbacks in the awarding of contracts for energy projects and power plants. Because Ersumer could
not be subject to legal pursuit as a minister, he was not one of the 15. However, according to press reports he was
repeatedly mentioned by those who were indicted. Ersumer, who resigned shortly before the summit as a result of
widening investigations into corruption scandals in the government, has himself blamed subordinates for the ways
in which contracts were awarded.
Niyazov, for his part, blamed Ersumer for insisting on negotiating prices for delivery of Turkmenistani gas to the
Turkish border, by implication requiring Turkmenistan to settle other terms of the deal including the volumes and
cost of transit of the gas across Azerbaijan and Georgia. Whether true or not, this cannot be deemed unusual. All it
means is that Ashgabat was being required to participate in negotiations with the PSG International pipeline
consortium, which was then still interested in the project, as well as with Baku and Tbilisi.
6. Next year in Ashgabat?
The first of the Turkic summits was held at the initiative of Turkish President Turgut Ozal in 1992, and the meetings
have since become annual events. However, this year Niyazov criticized the summits as ineffective and without
influence on international relations in general or on relations between the Turkic-speaking countries specifically.
Interestingly, he also publicly declared that more should be done to attain "a union of Turkic states", called for a
"consolidation" of the summit series and offered Ashgabat as the venue for next year's meeting. In this context, the
state press agency of Turkmenistan has referred to a "Turkic-Speaking Countries' Organization", saying that
Niyazov thinks such an entity should be further developed.
It follows, then, that we may look forward to another diplomatic initiative from Niyazov, one almost as ambitious as
the Caspian Sea summit initiative but this time seeking to establish the Turcophone summit series as a self-
supporting international institution with an autonomous secretariat. And as he has invited all the participants
(Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkey, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan) to Ashgabat for the next summit, we may
presume that he intends to suggest that city as the seat of the organization.
The Caspian's False Promise
6.98 Martha Brill Olcott Foreign Policy
oil ¹ ²
Tough issues addressed at C.Asian env. conf.
¹
3.6-8.01 Marshall Center,
CENTCOM, USArmy War College, and Off. Deputy UnderSec. Defense (Environmental Security) co-sponsored
conference re critical environmental security issues. 65 delegates represented
Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Armenia, Turkey, U.S. and various intl
organizations. Presentations scientific-technical aspects of regional environmental issues and case studies on role
of Philippine, Turkish, and U.S. militaries in responding to natural & man-made environmental disasters.
borders
6 Turkic-speaking nations pledge closer economies
4.26.01 Dow Jones
Revolutions In The East
various Central Asian nationalities fought a guerrilla war with the new Soviet regime during the 1920s. And
while the Republics of Uzbekistan & Turkmenistan were added relatively quickly in 1924, the Tajiks, who
speak an Iranian language and were once part of the Persian empire, were not integrated into the Soviet Union
until 1929. But with the exception of the Baltic Republics, Moldavia, and Tagikistan, non-voluntary integration of
minority nationalities predated the Bolsheviks. And in the important case of Azerbaijan, splitting the Azeri
"community" between what is now Iran, Turkey, and the Soviet Union predates the Russian Revolution.
Michael Albert & Robin Hahnel Z magazine
At one point, many of Ukraine lands were under Poland.
President Kuchma is in some major corruption
scandals and accused of complicity in the death of investigating journalist. Ukrainian economy continues to fail.
Ukraine has a strategic choice now between closer relationship with Russia or continue path it's had for the last 10
years towards Europe. Pope's visit has just come at end of visit by Def.Sec Rumsfeld, emphasizing Ukraine's
importance for the future of European security.
reading list & links
Wash.Rpt MidEast Affairs ¹
media & org links
IWPR regional media & org links
U.Utah MidEast & N.Africa links
JoD, et al search
Central Asia Monitor
Fiona Hill
bio & bibl. links
regional manifesto
6.26.01 interview Ted Koppel Nightline ABC News
various posts Thorn Tree
Black Flag
Cafe
7.8.01 I visited Turkmenistan from Iran a few weeks ago. Bizarre country! Any good travel agency in
Ashgabat will send you an invitation letter that you take to any Turkmen Embassy to obtain the visa. Process takes
3 or 4 weeks from your first contact with the agency to getting the visa in your passport. I paid $ 30 for the letter
plus another $ 25 or so for the visa itself. The agency, though, charged a minimum of $100, so once you arrive in
Turkmenistan you can use the remaining credit of $70 to book a hotel, driver or excursion through the agency. The
whole system is a bit silly, but at least they do let you into the country.
excerpts FY2000 NIS Assistance report
p 99 - 106 Political and Economic Overview
Jan. 01 re Turkmenistan
In FY 2000, President Niyazov continued to tighten his control over political, social and economic life in
Turkmenistan. In December 1999, Niyazov engineered his appointment as "president for life." There is no
visible political dissent within Turkmenistan. The Turkmen Government has forced most opposition to Niyazov
into exile, although several of his political opponents are still imprisoned in Turkmenistan. The Democratic
Party, the successor to Turkmenistan's Communist Party, has a monopoly on political power. The Mejlis,
Turkmenistan's parliament, meets irregularly and has no real authority. The judicial branch is unreformed from
Soviet times and also provides no check on executive power. Turkmenistan's foreign policy of "permanent
neutrality" places an emphasis on the country's political and economic self-reliance and limits its involvement in
regional and international organizations.
Section 201 of the FREEDOM Support Act amended Section 498A of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 to require
that the President "take into account not only relative need but also the extent to which that independent state is
acting to:"
Section 498A(a)(1): "make significant progress toward, and is committed to the comprehensive implementation of,
a democratic system based on principles of the rule of law, individual freedoms, and representative government
determined by free and fair elections."
Tkm Govt has taken a slow approach to economic reform. On 12.27.95 President Niyazov announced
a series of macroeconomic reforms, which included, among others, the three key reforms recommended by the
IMF: control of the expansion of credit, limited national budget deficits and liberalized foreign exchange. President
Niyazov plans a ten-year state-managed transition and hopes to utilize hard currency earnings from Turkmenistan's
natural resources to finance expenditures and soften the impact of the economic transition. The economy,
however, remains predominantly under state control. The World Bank has approved no loans to Turkmenistan
since 1997. Since Turkmenistan joined in 1992, the World Bank has approved 3 projects with a cumulative value of
$89.5 million. Turkmenistan has laws on foreign investment, banking, property ownership and intellectual property
rights, but respect of contracts remains an issue. The government introduced its currency, the manat, in November
1993, which has helped it establish an independent monetary policy. A bilateral trade agreement providing for
reciprocal Normal Trade Relations (formerly MFN) and containing intellectual property rights (IPR) provisions
entered into force October 1993. An Overseas Private Investment Corporation (OPIC) agreement entered into force
in June 1992. Turkmenistan is a member of the IMF, World Bank, and European Bank for Reconstruction and
Development, and joined the Asian Development Bank in September 2000. Turkmenistan has not applied to join
the World Trade Organization. Consistent with U.S. legislation, the U.S. would be opposed to any new proposals
for international financial institution assistance to Turkmenistan other than to address basic human needs, because
of the absence of a functioning system of civilian audits of military expenditures.
The govt's record on respect for internationally recognized human rights is extremely poor. Authorities
routinely beat criminal suspects, prisoners, and witnesses before & after trial. The govt restricts civil and
political rights, and security agents have used force to suppress political opposition. Others who have protested
govt policies and economic conditions reportedly remain in psychiatric hospitals. The government has attempted to
extradite Turkmen dissidents from Uzbekistan & Russia on charges that appear politically motivated. As part
of its efforts to foster a sense of nationhood among the Turkmen, the government has reversed decades of
favoritism toward Russians. Ethnic Turkmen now receive favored treatment, leading ethnic minorities to complain of
discrimination, esp. in employment practices. Although documented cases of extra-judicial killings have been rare
in Turkmenistan, one prominent prisoner of conscience did die in prison under suspicious circumstances during
1999.
Worshipers have been imprisoned, beaten and/or pressed to renounce their faith. However, minority congregations
have been allowed to worship undisturbed in private homes, following an April 2000 presidential decree requiring
law enforcement authorities to respect citizens' freedom from illegal search and seizure and right to privacy in their
homes. Recently, however, law enforcement officials haveharassed, beaten and tortured some Protestants
affiliated with home churches.
The Tkm Govt has a proclaimed policy of neutrality towards other nations and has done nothing
inconsistent with its OSCE obligations to refrain from the threat of the use of force and to settle disputes peacefully.
Turkmenistan is at peace with its neighbors. The Turkmen military does not currently present an offensive threat to
the region. Turkmenistan complies with the Confidence and Security Building Measures (CSBM) in Europe of the
1994 Vienna Document, regularly submitting CSBM declarations and undergoing a CSBM inspection in February
1998
Turkmenistan supports regional and international efforts to resolve peacefully the conflicts in Tajikistan and
Afghanistan. The Turkmen Government hosted peace talks among the various Tajik parties, and it has played an
active role in the UN-brokered dialogue on an Afghan settlement.
(A) adhering to arms control obligations derived from agreements signed by the former Soviet Union;
(B) reducing military forces and expenditures to a level consistent with legitimate defense requirements;
(C) not proliferating nuclear, biological, or chemical weapons, their delivery systems, or related technologies;
and
(D) restraining conventional weapons transfers."
p 378 The Tkm Govt has formally declared its willingness and intent to accept all of the
relevant arms control obligations of the former Soviet Union. Turkmenistan acceded to the Non-Proliferation Treaty
in 1994. Turkmen armed forces are guided by a defensive military doctrine. We do not believe that Turkmenistan
has engaged in the proliferation of nuclear, biological, or chemical weapons, their delivery systems, or related
technologies. Turkmenistan is a party to the 1993 Chemical Weapons Convention and a party to the Biological
Weapons Convention. We have recently initiated a limited export control and border security dialogue with
Turkmenistan, including responsible missile proliferation policy.
Turkmenistan ratified the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty in Feb. 1998. To our knowledge,
Turkmenistan has not engaged in any significant level of conventional arms transfers. Additionally, Turkmenistan
has acknowledged it is a successor to the former Soviet Union's obligations under the INF Treaty. Although it does
not actively participate in the Special Verification Commission, it continues to observe the Treaty's obligations.
Turkmenistan has submitted Confidence- and Security-Building Measures (CSBM) annual data declarations for
1995-2000 and has willingly undergone CSBM inspections and evaluation visits in accordance with the OSCE
Vienna Document.
Although Turkmenistan has one of the best developed systems of nature preserves in Central Asia, its
Karakum Canal contributes to the region's most serious environmental problems, notably in the Aral Sea, by
exacerbating existing water pollution, pesticide run-off, and water-table problems. President Niyazov currently holds
the rotating presidency of the Interstate Fund on the Aral Sea, made up of the 5 Central Asian states and several
intl organizations secretariat, and the Fund's executive committee has its seat in Ashgabat at present.
Turkmenistan joined the other Central Asian states in a recent decision to locate the headquarters of a Regional
Environmental Center (REC) in Almaty, Kazakhstan. The U.S. and the European Union are supporting and co-
financing the establishment of this independent, non-profit, and non-political organization, the mission of which will
be to strengthen civil society and support sustainable development by promoting public awareness and
participation in regional environmental decision-making. Turkmenistan also signed and ratified the Kyoto
Protocol to the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change, a positive indication of the government's
progressive inclinations on climate change.
Turkmenistan is currently engaged in talks with Russia, Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan and Iran on environmental
protection of the Caspian Sea. These marine environmental protection talks will include discussion of development
of the mineral resources of the Caspian seabed and use of the sturgeon population in a way that protects the
Caspian ecosystem.
The Tkm Govt does not grant sanctuary from prosecution to individuals or groups that have committed
acts of intl terrorism or otherwise support international terrorism. Turkmenistan has signed two of the twelve
international counter-terrorism conventions.
In July 1992, the Tkm Govt signed a "zero option" agreement with Russia under which Russia will pay
Turkmenistan's share of the external debt of the FSU in return for Turkmenistan's share of the external assets of
the FSU. Please see section 498A(a)(9) of the above Russia assessment regarding indebtedness to the U.S.
incurred by the former Soviet Union.
The U.S. Govt's effort to uncover evidence of American POWs and MIAs in the former Soviet Union is being
conducted through the U.S.-Russian Joint Commission on POWs/MIAs that was established in March 1992. In
November 1995 the Commission visited Turkmenistan, where it was warmly received by, and received full
cooperation from, the Tkm Govt.
We have no evidence to indicate that the Tkm Govt is providing military, economic, nuclear, or other
assistance to Cuba.
Section 498A(b)(1): Has the President determined that the Tkm Govt has "engaged in a consistent
pattern of gross violations of internationally recognized human rights or of international law"?
No. Nonetheless, the U.S. Govt is deeply concerned about the broad and serious violations of human rights
discussed above and continues to make human rights issues a central and consistent element of our dialogue with
the Tkm Govt. We will work to better address these problems not only through diplomatic efforts but
also with our assistance programs.
No. We do not believe that the Tkm Govt has failed to take such actions.
(A) missiles or missile technology inconsistent with the guidelines and parameters of the Missile Technology
Control Regime; or
(B) any material, equipment, or technology that would contribute significantly to the ability of such country to
manufacture any weapon of mass destruction (including nuclear, chemical, and biological weapons) if the President
determine[d] that the material, equipment, or technology was to be used by such country in the manufacture of
such weapon"?
No. We do not believe that the Tkm Govt has made such transfers.
No. We do not have information indicating that the Tkm Govt is prohibited by these statutes from
receiving such assistance.
No. We do not have information from which to conclude that the Tkm Govt is providing assistance for,
or engaging in any non-market-based trade with, the Cuban Govt.
amends Foreign Assistance Act of 1960 and was enacted as part of FY2000 Foreign Operations, Export Financing,
and Related Programs Appropriations Act
p 395 Turkmenistan
Negotiations on a Bilateral Investment Treaty between the U.S. Govt & Turkmenistan Govt have been inactive
since March 1998, pending action by the Tkm Govt. The State Department is not aware of any
outstanding investment disputes involving U.S. citizens and the Tkm Govt.
p 100 Overview of U.S. Govt Assistance
As in previous years, the mixed results of U.S. Govt-funded assistance programs in Turkmenistan in FY2000
reflected President Niyazov's refusal to permit broad-based economic or political reform. As a result, U.S.
Govt-funded assistance to Turkmenistan was increasingly directed toward people-to-people programs
such as training and exchanges. In FY 2000, the U.S. Govt provided an estimated $16.56 million in
assistance to Turkmenistan, including $6.19 million in FREEDOM Support Act (FSA) assistance, $4.70 million in
other U.S. Govt assistance, and $5.66 million in U.S. Defense Department excess and privately donated
humanitarian commodities. The U.S. Govt sought to expand Turkmenistan's private sector and
strengthen the entrepreneurial skills of Turkmen citizens. USAID's private-sector development programs, which
provide credit, technical expertise and training, increasingly targeted small and medium-sized enterprises. To
facilitate the growth of small, competitive businesses, USAID initiated a micro-credit program. The objectives of
USAID's modest-sized democracy programs in Turkmenistan were to encourage citizen participation, foster
democratic concepts, and facilitate access to information. USAID pursued these objectives by supporting the
efforts of non-govtal organizations (NGOs) in the areas of civic and legal education, as well as
community development and self-help activities. U.S. Govt-funded humanitarian assistance was
targeted at vulnerable groups such as the elderly, the disabled and disaster victims.
Training, Exchange and Educational Reform Programs
State Dept Public Diplomacy Exchanges
In FY 2000, approximately 70 Turkmen citizens participated in academic and professional exchange programs
administered by the U.S. Embassy's Public Affairs Section in collaboration with the Bureau of Educational and
Cultural Affairs (ECA), including 38 high school students, six undergraduates students and twelve graduate
students. Five Turkmen teachers and two U.S. teachers participated in the Teaching Excellency Awards Program,
which was introduced in Turkmenistan in FY 2000. Under this program, 22 Turkmen schools received much-
needed computer equipment and materials. In addition, nine Turkmen citizens participated in International Visitor
(IV) programs focusing on topics ranging from the U.S. judicial system to water resource management. The Future
Leaders' Exchange (FLEX) Program for secondary school students continued to be one of the most popular U.S.
Govt-funded programs, with over 1,000 applying this year for a very limited number of slots.
Since Sept. 1998, ECA Bureau has been supporting a university partnership between Texas A&M University and
Turkmen State University (TSU) that aims to create an world-class business school at TSU by developing faculty
expertise, curricula, classroom infrastructure and short-term business training programs for professionals. Over the
past several years, this project has experienced difficulties due to interference by the Turkmen Govt.
Specifically, President Niyazov refused to approve entering classes of students in fall 1998 & fall 1999 and
recommended a shorter curriculum. The original class of 50 students nevertheless continues to study and will
graduate this spring. To address the admissions approval problem, U.S. & Turkmen partner institutions
are considering instituting shorter applied business curricula for college graduates and further developing their
coursework for professionals, 2 areas that the Turkmen Govt supports. In the meantime, the partnership has
focused heavily on faculty exchanges. 8 Turkmen instructors have been trained at Texas A&M, and Texas faculty
have made numerous trips to TSU. Both faculties are extremely dedicated to the project and have made significant
progress, including substantial improvements to classroom workspace. The project has established a fully
equipped computer lab with Internet capabilities, overhead projectors, a copying machine, and numerous U.S.
textbooks translated into Russian & Turkmen.
FY2000, USDA's Cochran Pgm provided two-week training for 13 Turkmen agricultural specialists, including private
farmers and govt officials, in the areas of agricultural marketing, water management, plant protection and pesticide
management.
SABIT Commerce Dept Special American Business Internship Pgm
FY2000, SABIT Pgm provided short-term internships for 6 Turkmen participants
For past several years, the U.S. Govt had sought to encourage the Turkmen Govt to restructure and reduce its role
in the national economy, prerequisite for increased private-sector growth and intl trade & investment in
Turkmenistan. To this end, USAID was providing technical assistance aimed at creating sound fiscal, trade and
investment policies, management practices, and better commercial & business laws. However, due to the
paucity of results from these efforts, USAID has closed out its technical assistance programs dealing with trade
& investment and privatization. The lack of success in promoting economic restructuring in Turkmenistan has
also called into question donors' expectations regarding the development of an efficient, competitive private sector.
Given these concerns, USAID is changing the focus of its private-sector support activities to target younger
entrepreneurs and smaller and newer businesses.
FY2000 CAAEF continued to provide financing to private Turkmen businesses and training to bank &
borrower-institution personnel in financial analysis & forecasting. The CAAEF also made its largest single
investment in Turkmenistan, a cotton-spinning factory that currently employs more than 400 workers, almost
80% of them women. From 1996 through the end of FY2000, CAAEF approved approximately $8.4 million in
loans and investments. In addition, the CAAEF also implemented a micro-credit program that approved $300,000 in
loans to 15 borrowers. The CAAEF also restructured its two large investments, bringing the total financing it has
provided in Turkmenistan since 1996 to almost $9 million. Although there were a few promising economic reforms
in FY 2000, namely, the repeal of a 20% tax on hard-currency purchases and a reduction of social security
taxes to 20%, the currency conversion issue remains a problem for the Fund and its Turkmen borrowers, many
of whom have fallen into arrears or delinquency as a result. These developments led the CAAEF to suspend further
lending Aug. 2000 until currency conversion problem is resolved.
USAID Micro-Credit Program
Under a grant from USAID, Mercy Corps International (MCI) initiated a micro-credit program targeting small
businesses with a high growth potential. The program approved $290,000 in loans of up to $25,000. Despite
currency conversion delays, all but one loan was repaid as expected.
USAID Private-Sector Support Programs
FY2000, the International Executive Service Corps (IESC) office in Turkmenistan implemented 18 USAID-
supported private-sector projects in the areas of food processing, publishing, agricultural development, retail sales,
banking and business education. Volunteer U.S. executives directly assisted small and medium-sized private
businesses, increasing their understanding of a market-based economic system, building their technical capacity
and introducing them to basic management techniques and financial analysis skills. IESC also provided business
information services and organized site visits for U.S. firms. IESC's work with private entrepreneurs and
commercial banks resulted in an upgrading of business standards in Turkmenistan, thus contributing to the
development of private enterprise. IESC volunteers lectured at several of the economics and business faculties at
Turkmenistan's universities. In addition, IESC helped carry out an assessment of a private business school in the
Dashoguz Region.
In FY 2000, Winrock International fielded 14 U.S. volunteers on 11 FTF assignments, providing assistance to more
than 2,000 Turkmen farmers and entrepreneurs. FTF volunteers worked on issues such as on-farm production,
association development, water management and civil-society development. Winrock volunteers also helped
establish six rural associations of private farmers that operate as self-governed cooperatives. These cooperatives
have a total membership of just under 300 and are involved in water resources management and various types of
crop production and processing. The establishment of these six rural cooperatives is a major achievement: they
provide a unique and much-needed alternative to the collapsing system of state-run collective farms. In addition to
improving members' skills in association development and water resource management, FTF volunteers assisted
their Turkmen counterparts with horticulture production, milk processing, mushroom production, and honey
production and processing.
Despite a general phase-out of technical assistance to the central govt in the area of economic reform, USAID
continued to support budget reform efforts for the time being, given the continuing involvement of other donors. The
Turkmen Govt demonstrated a certain degree of commitment to budget reform in FY 2000. The Ministry of
Economy and Finance adopted internationally recognized financial and accounting classifications and coding, and
upgraded the analytical and computer capabilities of its budget department. The number of agency budgets and
autonomous funds now included in the budget documents submitted to the Turkmen Parliament has substantially
increased, although the Ministry's management control still remains weak. The importance of improved national
financial management is clearly recognized by the other donors as well. The World Bank and United Nations
Development Program (UNDP) are supporting programs that complement the U.S. Govt's efforts in this
area.
FY2000 USAID-funded advisers continued to promote the development of an effective regulatory framework for
Turkmenistan's oil and gas sector by facilitating the implementation of the country's newly adopted oil and gas rules
and regulations, organizing workshops and study tours to enhance the capabilities of regulatory agencies, and
promoting international standards and practices. The advisors drafted a pipeline law to promote the development of
a modern legal and regulatory framework for Turkmenistan's pipeline transportation sector, including a tariff
methodology based on the cost of services. USAID also funded a comprehensive audit of Turkmenistan's
deteriorating oil and gas education and research activities and recommended strategies to bring them up to
international standards.
IATP State Dept Internet Access & Training Pgmrogram (IATP): providing access to and training in the use of
the Internet, primarily to alumni of U.S. Govt-funded exchange programs. The IATP site in Turkmenistan is
administered by the International Research and Exchanges Board (IREX).
U.S. Embassy's Democracy Commission was launched with great success in FY 2000. The Commission received
43 applications from small initiative groups and awarded 18 small grants totaling approximately $100,000. Projects
supported by the Commission focused on topics such as civic education, the free flow of information, women's
issues, community self-help, democratic institution-building, and education in free-market concepts, and included
an Internet café run by a youth group, a series of business seminars for disabled citizens, a teacher resource
center, an ecological camp teaching civic responsibility and leadership skills, a series of journalism workshops, and
a regional NGO conference that will result in the development of a regional network of NGOs.
In FY 2000, Turkmenistan's Ministry of Foreign Affairs granted official accreditation to the Counterpart Consortium,
a U.S.-based NGO that is implementing a USAID-funded NGO support initiative for Central Asia. Counterpart was
the first international organization to gain this status in Turkmenistan, reflecting the Turkmen Govt's reluctant
consent to continued civil-society development. Counterpart's assistance strategy takes into account the lack of an
enabling environment for NGO development and the Turkmen Govt's suspicious attitude towards NGOs.
Counterpart's programs focus on the following areas:
Counterpart partnership grants & NGO support grants. In addition, Counterpart organized over 18 roundtables
in FY 2000, including a number of presentations conducted by NGOs at regional and district govt offices.
Counterpart's community-based activities promoted citizen participation in local decision-making, an infrequent
occurrence in highly centralized Turkmenistan. Counterpart worked closely with other international organizations
such as the Soros-funded Open Society Institute, the United Nations, and British Know-How Fund to send more
than 80 Turkmen NGO representatives to international conferences on themes ranging from gender and
development, to refugees and advocacy. Upon their return, the participants shared their new knowledge with their
NGO colleagues at focus groups and roundtables hosted at Counterpart offices and organized by the NGOs
themselves. Significantly, Counterpart's fundraising efforts on behalf of Turkmen NGOs led the Embassy of New
Zealand to donate $5,000 to support the water users' association in Dashoguz. In all, Counterpart leveraged over
$309,000 in support from other donors to Turkmen NGOs in FY 2000.
FY2000, the American Bar Association's USAID-funded Central and East European Law Initiative (ABA/CEELI)
helped establish the first-ever Law Students' Association at the University of Turkmenistan, which now represents
50 percent of the country's law students. The Association continues to increase its membership and is therefore in
a position to become a sustainable, professional organization with a strong leadership core. ABA/CEELI's
Advocacy Skills Program helped law students become successful junior advocates and win honors at regional
competitions. For example, in August 2000, the Turkmen State University team won awards for best overall team,
best oral advocates, and best written argument at the Central Asian Debate Championship in Tashkent,
Uzbekistan. These law students are now using their new skills in outreach programs throughout Turkmenistan,
conducting a series of ABA/CEELI-funded "street law" workshops in all 5 velayats (regions). Through these
workshops, ABA/CEELI has brought legal and civic education to thousands of Turkmen secondary school
students.
EXBS State Dept Export Control & Related Border Security Program
FY2000 U.S. State Dept allocated $485,000 under the EXBS Program to help Turkmenistan develop its
nonproliferation capabilities. This assistance was focused on enhancing the Turkmen Govt's capabilities to interdict
illicit trafficking in weapons of mass destruction, dual-use weapons and weapons-related materials. This is a
particular concern in Turkmenistan, which lies along centuries-old trade and smuggling routes running both north-
south and east-west. The U.S. Govt also proposed that Turkmenistan participate in the EXBS-funded Central Asian
Regional Communications Link, which will strengthen intra-govtal coordination on border security, and will help
Turkmenistan and its neighbors tighten control over trafficking of illegal narcotics and the movement of international
terrorists.
FY2000, Turkmenistan's Ministry of Defense continued to maintain a consistent, but low-profile relationship with the
U.S. Department of Defense (DoD). Turkmenistan received $313,000 in assistance under the International Military
Education and Training (IMET) Program and $600,000 in Foreign Military Financing (FMF). Under the Excess
Defense Articles (EDA) Program, the Govt of Turkmenistan received an 82-foot U.S. Coast Guard patrol boat that
will enable Turkmenistan's maritime border guard to improve its nonproliferation and export control capabilities. In
addition, the U.S. Govt continued to provi de counter-narcotics training to Turkmenistan's border guards, and
follow-on training visits are scheduled for FY2001.
USAID Health Care Pgms
FY2000, USAID continued its efforts to improve health care in Turkmenistan through health partnerships,
reproductive health programs, and the surveillance and treatment of tuberculosis and other infectious diseases.
With support from USAID, Abt Associates organized a regional conference in Ashgabat on the results of health
care reform in Central Asia. Wherever possible, USAID sought to partner Turkmen Govt agencies with NGOs in the
provision of social services.
Since its launching in FY 1999, the USAID-funded partnership between Turkmenistan's Ministry of Health and the
Univ. of N.Dakota has made progress in the area of retraining Ashgabat's family physicians in primary health care.
U.S. & Turkmen partners have identified training needs and designed a training curriculum that meets those
needs. Through this partnership, the Ashgabat Emergency Services Training Center continued to upgrade the skills
of the country's emergency service staff and to serve as a model for similar health partnerships elsewhere in
Central Asia.
Infectious Disease Programsbr>
With USAID support, the CDC continued to work with Turkmenistan's Ministry of Health to improve the Ministry's
infectious disease control, prevention and surveillance systems. In FY 2000, CDC helped set up a tuberculosis
reference laboratory and a hepatitis laboratory. Through CDC & Project HOPE, USAID initiated a Direct
Observed Short Course Therapy (DOTS) tuberculosis pilot program in Ashgabat.
HIV/AIDS Pgm With USAID support, UN AIDS Pgm (UNAIDS) began a syndromic management pgm for
family physicians in rural areas.
Counterpart Consortium initiated a project to strengthen the capacity of Turkmen NGOs to work with local
communities on reproductive health activities. In addition, Macro Intl collected data from 9,000 Turkmen women for
a USAID-funded demographic health survey on reproductive health, which will help USAID target future assistance
in this area.
CHAP Counterpart Humanitarian Assistance Pgm
FY2000, with support from USAID, CHAP started providing support for a national tuberculosis program,
strengthening the delivery of health care services in the Aral Sea ecological disaster area and delivering shipments
directly to Turkmenistan's five velayats (districts). CHAP also delivered two 40-foot containers of humanitarian daily
rations and is planning to deliver the first shipment of wheelchairs to Turkmenistan's Coalition of NGOs. CHAP has
started to diversify the humanitarian commodities that it transports to Turkmenistan. To date, CHAP has delivered
71 shipments consisting of various medical equip& supplies for the Ministry of Health and Medical Industry,
incl clothing, footwear, humanitarian daily rations, bedding, cloth, and emergency items worth approximately $10
million.
FY2000, Humanitarian Pgms Div. of the Office of Coordinator of U.S. Assistance to NIS expended approximately
$400,000 to deliver $5.66 million in humanitarian commodities to Turkmenistan. These commodities were
distributed by Counterpart Intl.
USDA Food Aid
FY2000, USDA allocated $1.23 million for the provision of food commodities to Turkmenistan as part of the
American Red Cross's Aral Sea Regional Pgm $389,000 through USDA's Section 416(b) Program and $844,000
through its Food for Progress Program. The beneficiaries of this assistance included 18,000 isolated elderly,
orphans, invalids and families with special needs in the Dashoguz Region.
Eurasia Foundation
FY2000 Eurasia Fdtn continued to operate a small-grants program in Turkmenistan, awarding approximately
$38,400 in grants to Turkmen NGOs in the area of private-enterprise development.
p 105 Peace Corps
As of end of FY2000, there were 64 Peace Corps volunteers in Turkmenistan: 18 in the health sector, focusing on
community, maternal and child health; 41 teaching English as a foreign language, English-language teaching
methodologies, and English for special purposes; and five in business education. A total of 54 new Peace Corps
trainees arrived in Turkmenistan at the end of FY 2000: 7 in business education, 18 in English-language education,
and 29 in community health education. In addition, the Peace Corps' Small Project Assistance (SPA) Program
funded 7 community-based projects implemented by Peace Corps volunteers, including the installation of a school
heating system, the establishment of an English language and computer resource center, 2 anemia prevention
projects, two English-language-immersion summer camps and a methodology conference for female teachers.
Peace Corps volunteers worked with other U.S. Govt assistance providers, including the U.S. Embassy's Public
Affairs Section, Counterpart Intl, Aid to Artisans, as well as with other donors, to identify and support local Turkmen
initiatives to develop community resources.
FY2000, promoting reconciliation & recovery from regional conflicts; fostering economic growth &
development; promoting infrastructure development; increasing border control capabilities; and promoting
democracy, tolerance, and the development of civil society.
Given the Turkmen Govt's continued refusal to permit broad-based economic and political reform, the U.S. Govt will
place an even greater emphasis on assistance programs targeting Turkmenistan's next generation of leaders. To
this end, the U.S. Govt intends to expand its exchange programs & training activities, on the premise that,
dollar for dollar, these programs offer the greatest return on the U.S. Govt's investment, as far as promoting
Turkmenistan's long-term development is concerned. The U.S.Embassy will continue to monitor ongoing U.S. Govt-
funded assistance programs in Turkmenistan and reduce those that are producing little or no sustainable results.
U.S. Govt-funded assistance will continue to support the improved delivery of health care services, the
development of civil society and the rule of law, and private-sector growth. In conjunction with other donors,
including the UNDP & World Bank, U.S. Govt may also continue to provide assistance with budget
reform.
U.S. Govt-funded assistance in the area of democracy-building will focus on illustrating that civic
organizations can work in partnership with govt services for the benefit of the communities they serve.
Proposed rule-of-law activities will include assistance in strengthening the professionalism & ethical practices
of lawyers and providing increased access for citizens & officials to Turkmen and intl legislation.
USAID's private-sector support programs will focus on smaller-scale enterprises and activities promoting
entrepreneurial development. USAID anticipates supporting a micro-credit program and business training &
education in collaboration with the U.S. Embassy's Public Affairs Section, the Peace Corps and intl
donors.
Goal: To foster the emergence of a competitive, market-oriented economy in which the majority of
economic resources are privately owned and managed
This objective entails USAID support for the transfer of public enterprises and other state-owned assets (e.g.,
land, housing stock, financial institutions and utilities) to private ownership and management. Areas of emphasis
include the following:
Progress Made in FY 2000
Progress in the transfer of ownership of state assets into private hands differs widely across the NIS region.
Some countries have virtually completed the process while others are still in the early stages of privatization. In
general, small-scale privatization is largely finished, with the exception of Belarus, Tajikistan and
Turkmenistan.
p 131 privatization
Progress in privatization has been extremely limited, with the private sector accounting for only
around 25 to 30 percent of GDP. Small-scale privatization has proceeded very slowly, with only 78 enterprises
sold in 1999. A number of privatization initiatives for medium-sized and large enterprises have been
announced, but limited progress has been realized. Little has been done in land privatization-state and
collective farms were converted into peasants' unions in 1995, with land being leased to farmers. A 1996 law 132
makes Turkmen citizens eligible to own land, but does not give them right to sell land. Housing has been
privatized to a modest extent.
Fiscal reform efforts also continued in Turkmenistan, with modest gains in tax collection
p 136 Policy, Legal and Regulatory Reform Programs
In contrast, Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan provide little encouragement to private commercial activity, with no
positive movement to improve the policy/legal environment.
p 137 Business Development Programs
The Central Asian - American Enterprise Fund (CAAEF), which promotes the creation of small and medium-sized
business in Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan, has to date made $29 million in small and
medium-sized loans, of which $14 million has been repaid. The CAAEF invested an additional $3.6 million in micro-
lending programs in Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan.
p 142 Capital Markets
USAID has no capital market development efforts in Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan, Belarus or Azerbaijan.
In the other NIS countries, the programs are ongoing or are close to ending, with results along a continuum from
Armenia to Kazakhstan.
p 144 In Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan and Tajikistan, the prerequisites for a capital market
are not yet in place; therefore USAID is not expending effort at this time in developing capital markets in these
3 countries.
USAID has continued to support the development of modern, Western legal and regulatory regimes in Kazakhstan,
Turkmenistan, Georgia and Ukraine.
Goal: To support the transition to transparent and accountable governance in political and economic
decision-making.
STRATEGIC OBJECTIVE 2.1: Increased, better informed citizen participation in political and economic
decision-making.
This objective encompasses USAID assistance directed towards strengthening systems of democratic
representation and open information, developing an informed citizenry, and encouraging citizen participation
through effective non-govtal advocacy and community groups. These programs seek to increase
citizens' influence on public policy decisions, and improve govt oversight. Illustrative activities include:
Progress Made in FY 2000
In FY 2000, USAID pursued this Strategic Objective in all NIS countries. Ongoing USAID-funded activities
continue to move countries towards this objective in FY 2000; however, a great deal of work needs to be done.
Ukraine and Russia made more progress in this area than Turkmenistan, Belarus and Uzbekistan in FY 2000.
p 149 Non-Govtal Organizations (NGOs)
In Turkmenistan, where NGOs are still viewed with suspicion by the govt, USAID NGO programs focus on less
confrontational issues, such as educating the public and the govt about the role of NGOs.
p 160 Infectious Diseases
Tuberculosis (TB)
USAID also has started DOTS pilots in Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan. In Russia, USAID-supported pilot TB
programs have demonstrated that international protocols can indeed work in Russia.
The new protocols, developed by clinicians from WHO, CDC, the Russian Academy of Sciences and TB
physicians in Ivanovo and Oreloblasts (regions), have been approved by the Russian Central Tuberculosis
Research Institute.
incidence of HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis, and multi-drug resistance tuberculosis continues to
increase and improvements in health sector reform remain slow in comparison to the magnitude of these problems.
In addition, although progress has been made in certain countries of the NIS in lowering high rates of abortion and
correspondingly increasing contraceptive prevalence, abortion rates in the NIS remain the highest in the world.
p 164 164 Training, Exchange And Educational Reform Programs
Since 1993, the U.S. Govt has brought over 80,000 people, including over 10,400 in FY 2000 alone,
from the NIS to the U.S. on training and exchange programs in fields ranging from management to
social service provision to NGO development. These programs have proven to be our most effective tool in
reaching out to the next generation of NIS leaders to give them first-hand experience with the day-to-day
functioning of a market-based, democratic system.
U.S. State Dept ECA nee U.S. Information Agency
Bureau of Educational and Cultural Affairs (ECA) est. 10.1.00 as one of successors to U.S. Information Agency,
which was
integrated into U.S.State Dept. In FY 2000, the ECA Bureau brought approximately 6,600 NIS citizens to the U.S.
on short-
& long-term professional & academic exchange pgms on a wide range of topics related to democratic
and free-
market reform. The ECA Bureau's FY 2000 NIS assistance programs were funded through the FREEDOM
Support Act (FSA) as well as through a significant percentage of ECA Bureau's own base appropriation under
the Educational and Cultural Exchanges (ECE) Account.
FREEDOM Support Grant Program
In FY 2000, the ECA Bureau's Office of Intl Visitors organized group and individual FSA Grant exchange pgms for
a total of 635 NIS participants, incl
5 from Turkmenistan,
FSA-funded counterpart of the ECA
Bureau's
base-funded International Visitor (IV) Pgm brings mid- to senior-level regional & local govt officials and key
professionals
in selected fields to U.S. to meet with professional counterparts and examine issues related to democratic &
economic
reform.
p 165 Civic Education Pgm (Regional Pgm for Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan and
Turkmenistan)
4 educators & NGO leaders from Central Asia met with U.S. NGOs, visited schools and universities, and
discussed strategies to promote greater citizen awareness & involvement in the democratic processes that
are evolving in their countries. They gathered a wealth of materials on civic education & social studies,
compared their experiences in Central Asia and vowed to establish a formal Central Asian network of civic
educators.
p173 308 participants: 6 from Turkmenistan,
The U.S.-Russian Young Leadership Fellows for Public Service Program began in FY 1999 as an initiative to
provide practical experience in developing personal leadership skills and promoting the importance of
community responsibility for young Russian and American students. The program enriches the experience and
education of young people who show the promise of contributing to the betterment of their own countries and to
increased mutual understanding between the two countries. The program combines academic course-work with
complementary community service and an internship, and targets Russian and American college graduates who
have demonstrated leadership skills and an interest in public service. The program provides full scholarships for
one year of non-degree study in the U.S. or Russia at qualified universities and colleges. The Russian
and American students have different but complementary program designs. Russian students select a
concentration in either Community Affairs, Govtal Affairs, or Corporate Affairs. American students focus
on Russian Studies. In August 2000, 47 Russian and 18 Americans began their year-long program.
Edm. S. MUSKIE FSA Graduate fellowship program
NIS graduate students & professionals for one to two years of study in U.S. master's degree programs
recruited
through an open, merit-based competition administered by the American Councils for International Education
(ACIE, formerly
known as ACTR/ACCELS) and the Open Society Institute (OSI).
There are typically at least ten times more
applicants than available Muskie/FSA fellowships in most NIS countries.
Contemporary Issues Fellowship Pgm
p 174 Of these 77 finalists,
two from Turkmenistan,
Provides managers & scientists from the NIS with practical exposure to American methods of innovation
&
management by placing them with U.S. companies for hands-on training for 4 weeks to 6 months. FY 2000 training
pgms
completed this fiscal year incl
Alumni Activities
A SABIT host company has started General Motors (GM) car dealerships in Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan and
Krasnoyarsk, Russia with its SABIT alumni. After surviving the 1998 Russian financial crisis and training
several business partners through the SABIT Program, a Virginia-based dealership has generated multi-million-
dollar profits. This same organization sold a fleet of American-made GM trucks to a large gold/uranium mining and
processing
plant in Uzbekistan.
A Virginia-based company has won a $30,000 contract from the Ministry of Defense in Turkmenistan for the
delivery of
American auto parts. Thanks to the SABIT Program, the company has been able to establish its presence in
Turkmenistan and
succeed despite the difficult economic situation there.
p 191 U.S. State Dept Bureau Of European Affairs
Public Affairs Sections of U.S. Embassies in the NIS countries administer the Democracy Funds Small-Grants
Program and other programs which provide support for democracy building activities by local organizations and
institutions.
FY 2000 is 6th year of this high-impact small-grants pgm, under which embassy-based Democracy Commissions in
each NIS
country award grants of up to $24,000 to indigenous NGOs or individuals in support of democracy-building
activities,
independent media and the free flow of information. In FY 2000, the Democracy Funds Small-Grants Program
awarded over
330 grants with a total value of approximately $3.5 million; Turkmenistan 18 $100,000
FY 2000 marks the launch of the Democracy Fund Small Grants program in Tajikistan &Turkmenistan.
Opening projects
in Tajikistan included awards to promote the formation and development of independent political parties, to support
the
establishment of a Center for Peace, Nonviolence and Human Rights, and to enable publication of a newspaper
with
independent reporting and analysis. Opening projects in Turkmenistan addressed such issues as: working with
youth at risk,
low-income women, legislative advocacy, and the development of small business training programs.
established by State Dept's INL Bureau for Intl Narcotics & Law Enforcement Affairs late FY1994 in response
to the threat
posed to U.S. national security by transnational organized crime and related activities, including narcotics
production and
trafficking, in Russia and all the New Independent States (NIS) and the former Soviet Bloc.
coordinates
programs
conducted by more than 19 U.S. federal law enforcement agencies in 10 NIS countries (excluding Azerbaijan and
Belarus).
Focal point of ACTTA's regional law enforcement assistance efforts is the International Law Enforcement Academy
(ILEA) in
Budapest, established in 1995. FY2000 72 NIS participants attended ILEA's core pgm 8 week mid-level
management course,
along with colleagues from other Eastern European countries and 270 NIS law enforcement officials participated in
specialized
courses at ILEA. FY2000, INL Bureau provided $286,042 in Freedom Support Act funds to cover ILEA's operating
expenses.
INL Bureau awarded $883,698 to 9 law enforcement agencies to conduct specialized training and participate in
the core courses at ILEA in FY 2000.
p 196 Turkmenistan
FY2000 INL funded $575,168 in training to Turkmen law enforcement officials in drug enforcement (incl forensic
chemist
training), anti-corruption, community policing, and law enforcement development. The INL Bureau also funded an
intermittent
financial advisor, and provided assistance to the U.S. Embassy in Ashgabat by funding a PSC to assist in
managing INL
programs.
Under separate legislative acts in FY 1995 and FY 1997, the U.S. Congress directed the Secretary of Defense
to develop and implement, in collaboration with the U.S. Customs Service and the Federal Bureau of
Investigation (FBI), two counterproliferation initiatives to provide training and technical assistance to NIS law
enforcement, customs and border guard personnel. These two programs-the DoD/FBI Counterproliferation
Program and the DoD/U.S. Customs Service (USCS) Counterproliferation Program-are coordinated with the
U.S. Department of State, specifically the Export Control and Related Border Security (EXBS) Program and the
Anti-Crime Training and Technical Assistance (ACTTA) Program, and are implemented by the Office of the
Secretary of Defense, the Defense Threat Reduction Agency (DTRA) and other agencies.
p 241 U.S. Defense Dept & State Dept Warsaw Initiative / Partnership For Peace
In July 1994, the Administration requested $100 million from the U.S. Congress to help America's new
democratic partners work with us to advance the goals of the Partnership for Peace. The U.S. Govt's
Warsaw Initiative was intended to jump-start Partnership for Peace (PFP) participation with an infusion of
readily-available funds.
Under Secretary of Defense for Policy and the Office of the Assistant Secretary of
Defense
(Strategy & Threat Reduction) are responsible for policy oversight of the Warsaw Initiative program for the NIS. The
Defense
Security Cooperation Agency administers Warsaw Initiative funds.
p 242 Most PFP member-states are eligible to receive Warsaw Initiative assistance. Eligible NIS states incl
Turkmenistan. Tajikistan is currently not a member of PFP.
U.S. State Dept Partnership for Peace (PFP) Initiative
State Dept provides Foreign Military Financing (FMF) funds, implemented through the U.S. Department of Defense,
to PFP
partner countries for the acquisition of U.S. defense articles and services. 8 NIS countries incl Turkmenistan
received FY2000
FMF funding
CRDF funds U.S.-NIS collaboration on civilian basic & applied research conducted in the NIS in order to
redirect efforts of former weapons scientists toward peaceful purposes and promote the development of market
economies in the NIS. CRDF is a non-govtal, non-profit foundation est. 8.95 by National Science Foundation with
an initial $5
million grant under the U.S. Defense Dept's Cooperative Threat Reduction (CTR) Program, matched by a $5 million
grant from
the Soros Foundation. FY1996, funding for much of the CRDF's activities shifted to the U.S.
State Dept FREEDOM Support Act (FSA). Funds received by the CRDF are committed to its Cooperative
Research Grants (CRG) competition, a "NextSteps to the Market" Program, Travel Grant Program (TGP), Regional
Equipment Scientific Centers (RESC) Program and contract support programs. In May 2000, CRDF and NIH jointly
hosted an International Symposium in Moscow to highlight 5 of the most successful and promising U.S.-NIS
scientist team presentations, including a team from former BW facility in Stepnogorsk, Kazakhstan and a team from
the
State Research Center for Applied Virology and Biotechnology (Vector) in Russia.
Cooperative Grants Program
FY2000, CRDF second round of CGP Cooperative Grants pgm multidisciplinary competition for collaborative US-
NIS research
grants. Over 1,200 proposals, 199 projects selected for grants, totaling nearly $10 million. Av. $50,000 over 18
months
p 253 Turkmenistan
CRDF committed $65,600 to collaborative research project on imperiled sturgeon with Turkmenistan under
Cooperative Grants
Program. It also funded participation in a DOC Commercialization seminar in Tashkent by a Turkmen scientist
offering
mathematical methods for improving natural gas prospecting
p 256 Turkmenistan
USCG excess 82-foot patrol to boat was transferred to Turkmenistan under the DoD Excess Defense Articles
(EDA) Program,
facilitating Turkmenistan's maritime border security. The vessel is currently in Turkey awaiting final transit to
Turkmenistan in
Spring 2001. One Turkmen participant completed the USCG's IMET-funded International Maritime Officers' Course
(IMOC)
from October-December 1999.
PKO funds support the U.S. national interest in promoting human rights, democracy, and regional security and
facilitating
humanitarian response. U.S. Govt contributed FY2000 $2.2 million to peacekeeping operations in NIS in FY 2000.
Turkmenistan
PKO funds facilitated contacts and information exchange with OSCE institutions.
CPRC Caspian Partnership for Regulatory Cooperation
Since FY1999, MMS providing USAID-funded technical assistance to Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan and Georgia as
they continue
their efforts to implement legislative and regulatory reforms with the long-term goal of establishing transparent oil
and gas
regulatory institutions through technical assistance workshops, regulatory partnerships, and on-site shadow
training. Most
assistance has been planned & performed in conjunction with other USAID funded contractors; namely,
Hagler-Bailly, Inc.
for the technical assistance work and the U.S. Energy Association (USEA) for regulatory partnership activities.
Turkmenistan
Technical Assistance Workshops Aug. 2000, a fourth technical assistance workshop was held in
Turkmenbashi, Turkmenistan. The workshop addressed the importance of assessing environmental information
and impacts to ensure operations are conducted in an environmentally sound and safe manner. Part of the
workshop utilized a mock exploration plan by a fictional company with Turkmenistan's new regulations as the
legal framework by which it was introduced. MMS Representatives acted in different roles from company
executive, to environmental consulting firm, to the Govt of Turkmenistan. The Turkmen audience was
drawn from govtal ministries, state companies, international operators involved in Turkmenistan, and
members of the environmental NGO community.
Regulatory Partnership Activities Nov. 1999, MMS Gulf of Mexico Regional Staff hosted regulatory
officials from Turkmenistan as part of the U.S. Energy Association's Caspian Environmental Partnership Program.
The
roundtable discussions with the Turkmen included: environmental impact analysis and monitoring; offshore plans,
permits,
applications, and inspections; and production and development permits and conservation issues.
On-Site Shadow Training July & Aug. 2000, MMS Gulf of Mexico Regional Staff hosted two
senior
Turkmen offshore inspectors for training on the MMS inspection program. During the course of the training the two
were provided an introduction to all facets of regional and district level operations. As part of this, the 2 Turkmen
inspectors shadowed Houma and New Orleans District Inspectors on four separate trip offshore to inspect
platforms.
FY2000 USDA provided almost $333 million in humanitarian food aid and concessional loans to the NIS
countries, consisting of approximately $110 million in govt-to-govt food aid grants, $84 million in
concessional food aid loans, and over $139 million in targeted direct feeding and food aid monetization
programs implemented by U.S. private voluntary organizations (PVOs). In addition, USDA provided a total of
$50 million in export credit guarantees to the NIS countries under its export credit guarantee programs (GSM-102
and Supplier Credit Guarantee Program)
p 284 Turkmenistan
FY2000, USDA allocated $1.3 million for the provision of approximately 2,000 MT of food commodities to
Turkmenistan. As
part of the American Red Cross's Aral Sea Region Program, Turkmenistan received food aid under USDA's Food
for Progress
program for support of direct-feeding initiatives in the Aral Sea region. The beneficiaries of this assistance included
18,000
isolated elderly, orphans, invalids and families with special needs in the Tasauz Region.
Humanitarian Programs Division of the Office of the Coordinator of U.S Assistance to the NIS (S/NIS/C)
coordinating &
facilitating delivery of emergency & transitional humanitarian assistance to NIS by 16 U.S. Govt agencies, as
well as for
coordinating U.S. Govt humanitarian assistance efforts with other donor countries and several international
organizations.
FY2000 Operation Provide Hope, Coordinator's Office expended approx. $16.1 million to deliver over $221.5 million
in privately
donated and U.S. Defense Dept excess humanitarian commodities to targeted groups in greatest need within the
NIS. Working
closely with numerous U.S. private volunteer organizations (PVOs), contracted freight forwarders and various U.S.
Govt
agencies, the Coordinator's Office also funded several emergency and transitional humanitarian programs.
p 392 HP Div. exercised "notwithstanding authority" to award non-competitive follow-on grants to the
following U.S.
private voluntary organizations (PVOs) to provide continued emergency & transitional assistance to the NIS
countries:
Counterpart International, CitiHope, United Methodist Committee on Relief (UMCOR), Heart-to-Heart, International
Relief
& Development (IRD), Project Hope, A Call to Serve, Eaton-Hap and the World Council of Hellenes.
p 297 Turkmenistan
Following the collapse of the Soviet Union, the Peace Corps was invited to send Volunteers into 8 NIS
countries (Armenia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Moldova, Russia, Turkmenistan, Ukraine and Uzbekistan) to help
facilitate their transition to market-oriented democracies. In the Spring of 2001, Peace Corps is planning to send
its first group of Volunteers into the Republic of Georgia. In responding to these requests, Peace Corps
Volunteers (PCVs) have helped overcome the historically limited contact between U.S. & NIS communities,
and have established and strengthened new bonds of friendship & cross-cultural understanding by addressing
issues of mutual concern at the grass-roots level one community at a time.
p 304 FY 2000 Peace Corps Programs in the NIS:
FY 2000 Peace Corps Programs in the NIS: Turkmenistan
Teaching English as a Foreign Language, Community Health Education, Business Education & Micro-
Enterprise
Development
p 305 SPA Small Projects Assistance Pgm
Peace Corps SPA awards small community grants in support of Peace Corps volunteer (PCV)-implemented
activities that help
strengthen civic organizations, small businesses, educational institutions and NGOs. In addition to the grants, SPA
also
provides resources and support for technical assistance to bolster the capacity building skills of host-country
citizens in the
areas of technical expertise, community and NGO development and small project design and management.
FY2000 230
grants totaling $433,250 av. $1,900, ranged from $200 to $7,000 per activity, and furthered the goal of host-
country
sustainability by requiring significant local contributions to the approved activities. As in prior years, majority of
SPA-funded
activities in FY 2000 were in the area of education, particularly assisting community schools to enhance their
educational
resource centers and upgrade their libraries and language learning laboratories to include computer, photocopy
and AV equipt.
p 306 Turkmenistan
9 grants in education, primarily to support English-language educational camps (5 grants); and health (4 grants)
promoting
locally organized health and hygiene awareness activities.
USAID-supported CDP est.1988 to fund the delivery of Israeli technical assistance & training to address a
broad range of
developing-country assistance requirements for which Israeli expertise was considered particularly well-suited. In
1992, a
special initiative for Central Asia (CDP/CAR) extended program operations to Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan,
Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan, with CDP/CAR coverage extended to Georgia in 1993. CDP provides U.S. funds
for activities
of MASHAV, the development assistance unit of the Govt of Israel's Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The program is
implemented by
MASHAV as part of its own foreign assistance portfolio. Proposed activities may be based on requests from the
host countries,
or identified by MASHAV or USAID. Given Israel's expertise and experience, the principal focus of the program is
agriculture
and related areas, with an emphasis on soil and water management, intensive livestock husbandry and vegetable
production,
irrigation systems management, and farm management. The program has been implemented primarily through
training
courses, consultancies, and demonstration farms. More recently, the CDP has emphasized agricultural economics
and the
development of sustainable private sector enterprises.The FY 2000 budget for CDP/CAR was approximately $ 1.4
million, with
USAID contributing two-thirds and MASHAV contributing one-third of that total. Emphasis on dairy production
continued. In
keeping with the program's increased emphasis on privatization and the economic feasibility of agricultural
technologies,
MASHAV operated CDP-funded Agribusiness Centers in Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Georgia. They were staffed
with visiting
Israeli experts and local professional coordinators who assisted private farmers with their business plans and
provided them
with information on markets and technologies. In FY 2001, the CDP block grant approach, providing U.S. core
funds for
MASHAV activities in the region is being phased out in favor of a new, more effective partnership between
MASHAV and
USAID based in the field. MASHAV has been developing projects directly with the USAID Regional Mission in
Central Asia,
which is responsible for the U.S. assistance strategy in the region.
CDR U.S.-Israel Cooperative Development Research Pgm
USAID-funded CDR est. 1985 to support joint applied research projects involving Israeli scientists and their
counterparts in developing countries, allowing them to work on significant problems facing the developing
countries. In
1992, a special initiative extended the program to Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, and
Georgia. This
initiative focuses on research in arid lands agriculture, an area of Israeli strength and particular need in Central
Asia, and
includes projects in water management and environmental protection as well as agronomy and livestock
management.
3 intl financial institutions most active in the region, IMF, World Bank and EBRD European Bank for Reconstruction
&
Development (EBRD) played key role in the aftermath of the Aug. 1998 Russian financial crisis.
p 309 EBRD est. 3.91 to support market-oriented economic reform and democratic pluralism in Central
&
Eastern Europe, including the NIS. All 12 NIS countries are members of the EBRD. EBRD is unique among
multilateral
development banks in its private-sector focus and inclusion of political conditionality, which requires borrowing
countries to be
committed to multi-party, pluralistic, democratic govt. According to its charter, the EBRD is required to devote 60
percent of its
total resources to private-sector projects.
p 310 U.S. 11% share in the EBRD and is its largest single shareholder. U.S. contributions to the EBRD
for its
initial capital contribution were to be paid in five annual installments of $70 million each. Except for FY1991,
appropriations fell
short of the $70 million, leaving U.S. with arrears of more than $80 million after 5 year period. These arrears were
fully cleared
in 1998.
IBRD Intl Bank for Reconstruction & Development, IDA Intl Development Association
2 largest parts of World Bank Group, provide project and adjustment lending (balance-of-payments support based
on policy reform) to developing countries. Poverty reduction & sustainable development are the central
objectives of the World Bank's activities. The IBRD lends at near-commercial rates, while IDA provides credits to
the poorest countries at highly concessional rates. Turkmenistan eligible only for IBRD terms. U.S. is largest
contributor to IDA nearly 15%; U.S. covered 96% of its commitment due in first 2 years of replenishment,
but is $62 million in arrears.
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