ADRESSED TO: All Rwandans, UN, OAU, International Tribunal, Countries: Tanzania, Ouganda, Burundi, Belgium, France, Holland, Germany, United Kingdom, United States of America, Canada. Human Rights Organizations. The Press and Media.

• Former Director of the Rwandese newspaper, Le Tribun du Peuple.
• Former Intelligence Officer of the Department G2 of National Gendarmerie (Rwandan Patriotic Army).
• Graduate Expert Detective (Belgium).
• Currently Consultant and Research Fellow at Intl Strategic Studies Assoc (ISSA), WashDC

Major-General Paul KAGAME, son of Rutagambwa and Siteriya, comes from Gitisi and Nyamagana near Ruhango (GITARAMA). He studied primary school in Uganda and finished four years of Secondary school at Ntare school in Mbarara (Uganda). He became a Major in the Ugandan National Resistance Army with the function of Deputy Chief of the Ugandan Directorate of Military Intelligence. He subsequently became Vice-President of Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) and Commander-in-Chief of the Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA). He became Vice-President of the Republic of Rwanda & and its Minister of Defense. He is now President of the Republic of Rwanda, confirmed in that office on April 22, 2000.

Colonel James KABAREBE was the private Secretary and aide-de-camp (ADC) of Major- General Paul Kagame [see above]. He became Commander of the High Command Unit at Mulindi. Later, this Unit became the Republican Guard under his leadership. James Kabarebe was the Commander-in-Chief of the Congolese Army Forces (FAC) after Mzee Laurent Desire Kabila took power in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) in 1997. Soon after, James took the control of forces determined to overthrow Mzee Kabila. He is now the Deputy Commander-in-Chief of the Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA).

Lieutenant-Colonel Charles KAYONGA was chief in charge of the Operations Unit of High Commmand Unit at Mulindi o at that time with the rank of lieutenant from December 1993 until July 1, 1994. From lieutenant, he was promoted directly to the rank of lieutentant-colonel and given the command of the RPA battalion sent to Kigali to what is now the National Assembly (then the NDC: National Development Council) after the signing of the Arusha Accords. Kayonga had under his command more than 3,200 RPA troops, wearing civilian clothes, who clandestinely entered into the city of Kigali.

backstory

The Rwandan Government was heavily involved during 1993 in buying military equipment: arms and ammunition. This is shown by the funds of 2.5-billion Rwandese francs, paid to Dominique Lemaunier, a French businessman, who was supposed to deliver the equipment. It was Marc RUGENERA, by then Finance Minister, who signed the contract for the purchases on the Government side. The deal was followed up by Lt.- Col. Kayumba Cyprien of the FAR (Rwandan Armed Forces). In March 1994, arms purchased in Egypt and sent to Kigali by a British aircraft were distributed to the Interahamwe militia of Pres. Habyalimana's political party, the MRND. These Interahamwe militia units were being trained militarily and receiving arms and ammunition specifically to undertake a genocidal assault against the nation's Tutsi population. They also planned a massacre of some political opposition leaders, including those who happened to be moderate Hutu.
At the same time the Interahamwe were recruiting, with their numbers growing to 50,000. Army [FAR] Reservists, too, were given instructions to train the Interahamwe. All prefectures of Rwanda received funds from the Government, to distribute to the Interahamwe. President Habyalimana in 1993, meanwhile, deliberately delayed the implementation of the Arusha Peace Accords, in order to allow more time for his Army units and militias to prepare for the coming mass destruction.
Radio Television of Mille Collines (RTLM) was strengthed in human and financial terms from the Akazu [clan, support base] of Habyalimana, specifically to propagate ethnic hatred against the Tutsi and to mobilize all Hutu extremists favoring the genocide against the Tutsi population.

PREPARATIONS IN THE RWANDAN PATRIOTIC FRONT. During and after the signing of the Arusha Peace Accords, the Rwandan Patriotic Front was preparing for the final battle. After the signature by both sides involved in the conflict, [then] Major [now Major-General] Paul Kagame started visiting all Unit Commands under the areas controlled by RPF. He met with us (Rwandan Patriotic Army soldiers) and assured us that we should not believe at all in Arusha Peace Accords.
"Be ready with your military equipment, we are going to fight for the final war against the Kigali Government," Major Paul Kagame told the RPF troops. Thereafter, the military forces in different units received intensive training in Karama, a political-military center in Byumba prefecture. In addition, the nominally-civilian cadres of RPF also received some military and political training in Karama to support the RPA.
When the RPF had sent its RPA battalion of 600 troops to Kigali under command of Lt.-Col. Charles Kayonga, other military units in civilian clothes also infiltrated the town of Kigali. Every time that RPF trucks came to our headquater in Mulindi to load military supplies and firewood to be sent to the battalion in Kigali (at the CND, where the RPA battalion was based), arms and ammunition were also loaded,concealed among the supplies which were legitimately supposed to reach Kigali.

Heavy arms, including light artillery (such as mortars), were disassembled, before being loaded and later re-assembled upon arrival at the CND building. The RPA officer in charge of that secret operation at Mulindi was Sub.-Lt. Moses of the High Command unit and Captain Charles Karamba of the DMI was based in CND building, orchestrating events from that end. Captain Charles was the liaison officer between Mulindi and Kigali for that operation. He was later appointed military attache in Eritrea, where he has the particular mission of buying arms and military equipments for the RPF. A day before the genocide started, there were 4,000 RPA troops in Kigali. The RPF's high-ranking officers in Kigali under MINUAR [United Nations International Monitoring Unit in Rwanda] were there to survey the preparations of the then-Government Army.
RPF officials tried at their best to convince other opposition political parties to address the Rwandan crises by eliminating President Habyalimana. Pres. Habyalimana has been reported as the key person who brought disaster to the country and the person who delayed the implementation of the Arusha Peace Accord. There were, however, other factors. The main political parties, the MDR and PSD, were reluctant to support the RPF proposal in the belief that the RPF itself would not respect the Arusha Peace Accord. Gatabazi Felicien, the incumbent Secretary-General of PSD (Partie Socialiste Democrat), was killed by RPF gunmen while entering his compound in Kigali in February 1994, because he had opposed the RPF plan. The killers used a known and standard RPF method called "standing up".

The RPF held a meeting between February and March 1994 at Mulindi with RPF-member businessmen, the sponsors of RPF's guerilla operations. Major-General Paul Kagame, closing that meeting , spoke about the Arusha Peace Accord, accusing Habyalimana of delaying its imprimantation. A businessman named Kalinda Sweet Bread (who subsequently fled Rwanda in 1998 after the RPA killed his child), speaking on behalf of other RPF members, declared that the Arusha Peace Accord delayed the RPF program and that this would cost a lot of money which they would not be capable of providing in the coming days. Major-General Kagame asked for solutions. Kalinda responded that the real solution was to re-attack the Rwandan Government. That proposal was well-received by other businessmen and Kagame did not oppose it.

THE COLLAPSE OF THE ARUSHA PEACE ACCORD WAS THE OPPORTUNITY FOR THE RPF TO SEIZE POWER
It was clear that if the Arusha Peace Accord was to be implemented then both the Habyalimina Administration and the RPF would face possibly insurmountable difficulties. The extent of the corruption by the incumbent Hutu Government of Pres. Habyalimana meant that, if the Accords were to be implemented, senior officials, including the President, would be open to charges of corruption and abuse of power, including the many political murders which they had undertaken. Maj.-Gen. Kagame, for his part, recognized that, because the Arusha Accords called for one-man, one-vote, the Tutsi minority, which the RPF in large part represented, could not win outright power at any stage. [It was well-known that elections would not favor the RPF because Hutu power cores of the MRND, MDR, CDR, PSD and PL parties were composed mostly of Hutu.] As a result, both leaders, for different reasons, knew that implementation of the Arusha Accords was not acceptable, despite public posturing to the contrary.

Generals Habyalimana and Kagame were known, therefore, to believe that the power sharing was weakening both sides. The Arusha Accords were becoming increasingly meaningless to both of them, but they were required, for domestic as well as international reasons, to continue paying lip-service to the process. Maj.-Gen. Kagame at this stage was clearly committed, therefore, to continuing the guerilla war against the Habyalimana, up to and including the assassination of the President. It has become clear that, in this process, Maj.-Gen. Kagame was aware of the fact that killing Pres. Habyalimana would initiate mass destruction and genocide.
RPF officers, such as myself, were told in 1993 by the RPF leadership that intelligence reports indicated that Pres. Habyalimana's Hutu followers would begin a campaign to kill all Tutsis in the event that Kagame attempted to sieze power. This intelligence was leaked to the exiled King of Rwanda, King Kigeli V, by his supporters within the RPF, and the King subsequently used the information to issue written warnings to the United States Government and the United Nations that a campaign of genocide was expected.

These warnings are now a matter of public record. It is understood that Pres. Habyalimana confirmed these warnings in separate messages to the King. As an intelligence officer, I knew that Maj.-Gen. Kagame was well-informed of the fact that Pres. Habyalimana's Presidential Guard and Interahamwe militia were trained and armed to eliminate Tutsi groups in case Paul Kagame attempted to take power. He knew very well that almost all Tutsi were registered on the list of those who had to be exterminated. Militia Interahamwe units were deployed throughout the country, waiting to kill all Tutsi inside Rwanda.

The RPF's clandestine broadcasting unit, Radio Muhabura, consistently and openly broadcast at the time details of the Interahamwe's plans for attacks on Tutsis. The following examples demonstrate that extent of that situation:

• Gatabazi Felicien, noted above, was assassinated by the RPF because he had refused to endorse the plan to kill Habyalimana. The RPF had been afraid that he might reveal the plans to Habyalimana who was a close associate in an arms business which weapons supplied to Palipehutu, a criminal-extremist Hutu group in Burundi, and through Mr Minani, who was at that time a Burundian Minister. The transit store of those arms was a company called Mimosa, a travel company located behind St. Andrews College at Nyamirambo, a suburb of Kigali.Mimosa belonged to Mbarushimana Antoine, a close friend to Gatabazi.
• Mbarushimana was subsequently killed by RPA at Nyanza (a sub-prefecture of Butare) after the genocide, in order to silence a witness of Gatabazi's death.
• In response to the killing of Gatabazi, the PSD militants of Butare prefecture, ignoring the psychological operations of the RPF, killed Bucyana Martin, President of CDR (Coalition pour la defense de la Republique) in revenge, believing that their leader was killed by CDR or Habyalimana. The Interahamwe and CDR militia in turn reacted angrily and killed many Tutsi in revenge for the killing of Bucyana.

MILITARY PERSONNEL OF RPA WERE TRAINED TO OPERATE SURFACE-TO-AIR MISSILES TO SHOOT DOWN THE PRESIDENTIAL AIRCRAFT
Following the signing of the Arusha Accord by the Habyalimina Government and the RPF in January 1994, a battalion of the RPA was sent to the Parliament, the CND, in Kigali. At the same time, other RPA units secretly infiltrated Kigali in civilian clothes. Concurrently, Maj.-Gen. Kagame sent to Uganda four of his military personnel to be trained in the operation of the Russian-built SA-7 Strela man-portable surface-to-air missile (SAM). This type of missile was already in service with the Ugandan Army.

Given that there was no air threat to the RPA at the time, because the RPA units were in the center of the common capital city, Kigali, and because the Rwandan Armed Forces of Habyalimana had only a few armed helicopters, it is clear that the purpose of the training was specifically to shoot down the presidential aircraft of Pres. Habyalimana at the earliest possible opportunity. After training in Uganda, all four RPA troops were returned to Mulindi, the General Headquarters (or High Command) of the RPA in Byumba Prefecture, where they were transferred to the Missile Unity [the term "Unity" normally applies to a three-battalion formation, but not in this case], which was in reality a small missile section commanded by Lieutenant Kayumba Joseph. Kayumba was later known to be living at Kanombe Barracks, in Kigali, and was later been promoted to the rank of Captain.
I was a witness of these events, living at Mulindi, and where Kayumba Joseph and his colleagues were friends of mine. At the end of February 1994, considering the refusal of Habyalimana to implement the Arusha peace accord, Lt.-Col. Kayonga, then commander of the RPF's Battalion based in the CND, sent a message to Lieutenant Kayumba ordering him to send the four missile- trained military troops to the CND. After receiving that message, Lieutenant Kayumba had immediately sent them to CND without informing Lt.-Col. Kabarebe James, his Commanding Officer. Lt.-Col. Kabarebe imprisoned Lt. Kayumba because of that failure to inform him of the transfer of the four troops.

In March 1994, the RPA's High Command led by Kagame called on the RPF officials based in Kigali to return to Mulindi. Most of them left Kigali for Mulindi. Two weeks before the crash of the Presidential aircraft, Maj.-Gen. Kagame sent Lt.-Col. James Kabarebe to bring the SA-7 surface- to-air missiles to the CND detachment, and to give final instructions related to the new attack against the Rwandese Army forces [FAR] and brief the four soldiers designated to shoot down the aircraft of Habyalimana. Lt.-Col. Kabarebe spent more than one week in CND before returning to Mulindi.
Two RPF leaders, Colonels Kanyarengwe Alexis and Lizinde Theoneste, who had earlier served in the Habyalimana Government, gave information and instructions as to where the missiles should be placed. [Col. Lizinde Theoneste, who later defected, was subsequently assassinated in 1998 by RPF operatives in Nairobi, Kenya, in order to ensure the secrecy of the missile operation.]
The missile locations were at Masaka sector of the Kanombe commune, on the outskirts of Kigali, where aircraft make their final approach before landing. Two weeks before the Habyalimana's aircraft crash, 12 artillery systems were brought from Uganda, and arrived at our headquaters in Mulindi. In the meantime, our High Command was busy organizing meetings and preparing for the final battle to take control of Kigali. Those who attended the meetings were: Colonels Ndungute, Sam Kaka, Kayumba Nyamwasa, Twahirwa Dodo, Gashumba, Muhire, Mugambage Frank, Ngoga, Bagire, Biseruka, Musitu, and Karemera. Among the lieutenant-colonels were James Kabarebe, Ibingira, Rwahama, Nyamurangwa, Karangwa, Kadhafi, Karera, Gahutu, and others.

THE AIRCRAFT CRASH AND THE BEGINNING OF THE GENOCIDE PREPARED IN ADVANCE BY HUTU POWER, AND HOW KAGAME'S PLANS BECAME THE CATALYST
Once the preparations to eliminate Pres. Habyalimana were completed, it was necessary to find a reason to force Pres. Habyalimana to travel by aircraft over the area where the missiles were deployed. Given that the missiles were deployed along the approach path to Kanombe Airport at Kigali, it was then only necessary to know the time of the return to Kigali by Pres. Habyalimana's aircraft. As part of the planning, the leaders of the RPF had been lobbying in friendly countries so that these countries would convince Pres. Mwinyi of Tanzania to organize a regional summit about Burundi's problems, and about the implementation of the Arusha Peace Accords.
The RPF insisted that military chiefs also be invited. The summit was a trap for Habyalimana, giving Kagame a way to take power. But as part of their prepared attack, Hutu extremists also took that opportunity to exterminate the Tutsi who had been listed days before. Kagame was aware that this would occur, as a response triggered by the death of Habyalimana.
The RPF proposed that Rwandan and Burundian military chiefs be invited to the Arusha meeting. The aim of Kagame was that Major-General Nsabimana, the Army Chief of Staff, be killed with Habyalimana so that the leadership of FAR would be destroyed and non-existent. The FAR was already undermined by internal North-South regional dissent.
Before the regional meeting was held and chaired by Tanzanian President Hassan Mwinyi, RPF president Alexis Kanyarengwe went to Tanzania and came back to Byumba. On his return, he met us at Rubaya in Byumba where we were in a meeting. He said: "Instead of continuing pushing from outside, it is better to go in and kill the enemy." That is what happened on April 6, 1994.

Before going to Dar-es-Salam Summit, Habyalimana went to see Zaire [now DemRepublic Congo] President Mobutu Sese Seko to seek his participation so that he could support him against leaders of states favorable to RPF. He also asked Pres. Mobutu to provide him (Habyalimana) with intelligence support to check information on the RPF, and about the assassination attempt which the RPF was expected to commit against him. The information was provided by Ngbanda Honore, former security adviser to Pres. Mobutu. He participated to the meeting of the two heads-of-state. Ngbanda was the one who was going to help Habyalimana in analyzing and cross-checking the information related to death threats against Habyalimana. One day before the summit took place, Pres. Mobutu's advisers asked Pres. Mobutu not to go at the summit for security reasons.
RPF soldiers in the CND battalion, and those who had infiltrated in Kigali town before April 6, 1994, had finished war preparation. Other units were ready to attack. Colonel Lizinde Theoneste, RPF Member of Parliament, was an intelligence specialist. He was among RPF officials at the time staying in the CND building and collaborating in the RPF intelligence search about Habyalimana's army operations. Col. Lizinde, as noted above, is the one who recommended Masaka as the perfect site from where to shoot the presidential aircraft.

Col. Lizinde had a public notoriety, was very well known in many ways,and was a friend of mine. After the genocide, he told me many times that he was afraid to be killed one day because of the information he had about the aircraft crash. He told me that if he was killed it would be because of the secret he had about Habyalimana's assassination by Paul Kagame. Lizinde was also a private adviser of Kagame. I knew well about their friendship. Kagame promoted him to the rank of colonel and nominated him as an RPF member of Parliament.
In the end, Lizinde went into exile. Those who followed up his departure in exile, know that two officers have been asked to give explanations. These officers are Lt.-Col. Rwahama of the Directorate of Military Intelligence (DMI), who had instruction to watch Lizinde and prevent his escape. The other officer is Lt.-Col. James Kabarebe, a Republican Guard commander. The two have been sanctioned for their lack of vigilance, which helped Lizinde to escape. That is one of the reasons Rwahama has been put aside.

After the departure of Lizinde, the intelligence service sent to me intelligence officers who were, in fact, friends of mine, to check if I knew his escape plan. It is Lizinde who told me that the four soldiers involved in the missiles had left Mulindi for Kigali (CND: Parliament House) in the perspective of presidential aircraft attempt. The four soldiers had been received in CND by Major Rose Kabuye who was in charge of that. Lizinde told me that it was Col. Kabarebe who gave the latest instuctions to shoot Habyalimana's Falcon executive aircraft.
Before April 6, 1994, some RPF high-ranking officers withdrew their families from Kigali. Two weeks before that date, the Colonel James Kabarebe was the one who has been designated by Paul Kagame to convoy the missiles; James Kabarebe was also charged to communicate to those in CND the last instructions in regard to the war. He spent almost one week in CND before he came back to Mulindi.
Because Lizinde was aware of the plot to shoot down the presidential Falcon, on the morning of April 6, 1994, he asked some of his friends to leave Kigali before that night. He told them that it was not for the purpose of peace that James Kabarebe came to Kigali in CND. Colonel Lizinde personally went to bring his own family from Kigali but he did not find them and came immediately back to Mulindi.

The shooting down of the aircraft took place around 20.25 hrs local time. In the aircraft, were President Habyalimana, President Ntaryamira of Burundi, Major-General Nsabimana, Chief of Rwandan Armed Forces [FAR], Ambassador Renzaho (a senior advisor to Habyalimina), Doctor Akingeneye (the president's personal doctor), and others. At the time of the shooting, I was watching the World Cup football with some of the RPF high-ranking officers, including Major-General Paul Kagame, Colonels Ndugute, Biseruka, and Twahirwa. Immediately after the aircraft crash, Colonel James Kabarebe came into the room where we were watching the football, and took Paul Kagame outside to discuss the matter in private. Soon after, Colonel James Kabarebe called upon Colonel Ndugute and other high-ranking officers for a meeting outside.

The High Command Unit immediately took the decision to attack Kigali that night. This Unit operated under the direct command of Paul Kagame and James Kabarebe. All other RPF Units prepared themselves and launched their attack.

CONCLUSION

Jean-Pierre Mugabe: Given by my hand, in Washington DC, this 21st Day of April, 2000.
Intl Strategic Studies Assoc.
PO Box 20407, Alexandria, Virginia 22320 703.548.1070 fax 703.684.7476. E-mail

Tutsi forces from Rwanda and Uganda, supported by the U.S.A., invaded Zaire, now Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), in August 1998 to overthrow President Kabila whom they installed into power a year ago. One may recall that Mobutu was put in power by the CIA in 1965. … The Zairean people tirelessly protested and condemned, to no avail, the CIA's role in sustaining Mobutu's dictatorship. As he was approaching his death, due to multiple illnesses, American agents hurriedly looked for a replacement. They planned his overthrow using Tutsi troops from Uganda and Rwanda. U.S. military advisors planned and managed the invasion. They had others camped at Goma during the invasion. They provided weapons, funds and disinformation propaganda. Washington, London and Pretoria played the role of hidden "command centers". Corporations, notably, S.G. Warburg, merchant bank in London; De Beer, famous mining company of South Africa, American Mineral Fields Inc. of Hope, Arkansas, several other American mining and oil companies were in the forefront negotiating secret deals with invaders and grabbing mineral-rich real estate in eastern Congo, looting gold and other minerals. American Mineral Fields Inc. is highly connected to President Clinton.

The truth inevitably leaked out that Tutsis from Uganda and Rwanda had invaded Zaire. The Catholic Bishop of Bukavu who made this accusation more credible was subsequently beheaded by the invaders. Hence, the cabal decided to camouflage the invasion by making it look like an internal armed uprising against Mobutu. They named themselves BANYAMULENGE, a tribe which does not exist in Congo. They brought Laurent D. Kabila, native of Katanga who had fled Mobutu's dictatorship, living in Tanzania and paraded him as the leader of a concocted "internal armed revolt" of Banyamulenge and other tribesmen. U.S media unleashed a barrage of propaganda worldwide amplifying those lies and the trick worked.

Kabila signed secret deals with members of the cabal in order to obtain that position. Deals included curving off vast chunks of mineral-rich land to be exclusive properties of foreign corporations. This meant giving away entire Kasai, Katanga, North and South Kivu provinces plus the Atlantic coastal area which is floating on oil. In this neo-colonial grand plan, Tutsis, who are minority in each of these countries, are destined to be local rulers throughout the region to protect and defend foreign interests against nationals. Thus, Tutsis were promised to receive (and indeed they have received) American military training, finance and favorable media coverage worldwide in exchange for their service as a roving neo-colonial force.
The controlling Tutsis carried out their own agenda, such as the extermination of thousands of Rwandese Hutu refugees in Congo and made Kabila cover up their (Tutsi) crimes before an outraged world community. They tortured, abused, mistreated and killed local political leaders, including those who had opposed Mobutu's dictatorship.

In July of 1998, James Kabarebe, a Rwandese Tutsi who had become Congo's Army Chief of Staff, requested an appointment with President Kabila. Prior to entering the President's office, Kabarebe was found with a hidden pistol which had a silencer mounted on it. The full story of the plot to assassinate President Kabila was uncovered. His reaction was to expel all Tutsis from his government and ordered their return back to Rwanda and Uganda. When the order was carried out, Kabila was left virtually alone in his office since all the personnel were Tutsis. More than 90% of the army left with all the weapons and supplies. Foreign currency and most of the local money was taken out of Kinshasa by disgorged Tutsis. The money was put in a newly established Tutsi Bank headquartered in Goma with branches in Kigali, Bujumbula, Kabale, Mbarara and Kampala. Some of them were heard claiming, "we shall return". They did.
The Congolese people were jubilant about the expulsion. Upon arrival in Goma, Tutsis declared war on Kabila and launched attacks on Congo's eastern towns one by one killing local leaders, influential people, the clergy and anyone who was deemed to be a potential resister. They murdered men, women and children. Others had their eyes plucked out or facial parts cut off.

WHO ARE BANYAMULENGE? The tribal name of Banyamulenge, meaning Tutsis who are citizens of Congo living in South Kivu region, surfaced during the invasion of Zaire by Tutsi troops from Rwanda, Uganda and Burundi in late 1996. In actual fact, this was a politically coined up name to legitimize foreign invasion that overthrew Mobutu's regime. They claimed having lived in that part of Congo/Zaire for over 200 years. That is a total fabrication. Tutsis came into that region as refugees in 1959/60.
Mass murders of local people: the educated, affluent, religious leaders, local and traditional chiefs were specially targeted for extermination plus any person deemed to oppose Tutsi supremacy. The invaders started a program of bringing old Tutsi men directly from Rwanda and Uganda into eastern Congo to be the new cadre of local and traditional chiefs. Kabila reacted by calling upon all the people of Congo to defend their nation against invaders. He declared that this war as initiated by Museveni and Kagame must and will be pushed back to Kampala and Kigali were it came from.
Kabila further appealed to friendly nations to come and assist his country. Angola, Namibia, Zimbabwe and others responded positively providing him with soldiers and/or weapons. Tanzania which had a team of military officers training a new Congolese army simply pulled out. Soon after Ugandan troops invaded Rwanda in 1990 under the leadership of Rwigyema and Kagame, the word was out that this was a Tutsi invasion. A few months later, they named the invasion "an internal conflict" and paraded Alex Kanyarengwe, a Hutu opponent of Habyarimana as their leader. Kanyarengwe was used to the maximum in covering up the Tutsi hidden agenda. Once they achieved victory in 1994, he was under house arrest in Kigali. Another Hutu who was identified as a better stooge, P. Bizimungu.

Similarly, 1996 Tutsi invasion of Zaire was an ethnic plot with trappings of external aggression engineered in Kigali and Kampala. The invaders quickly recruited Kabila until Mobutu was deposed. However, Kabila disengaged himself. Congo invasion, phase 2, likewise follows with Bizimana Karahamiheto the actual leader. They recruited Wamba diya Wamba who is apolitical and Ondekane who participated in the slaughter of thousands of Hutu refugees in eastern Congo. These men are considered by many to be egocentric and flagrant. They serve one purpose: to make the invasion look like an internal rebel opposition.

Ethnic difference between Tutsis and Bantu has a long and bitter history. However, external manipulations have flared it into an astronomical catastrophe above and beyond the capacity of local means to contain it. As soon as Tutsis captured eastern Congo, Congolese religious leaders, including the Bishop of Bukavu were among the first casualties. Many priests, nuns and religious brothers were murdered by marauding Tutsis. There evidence Tutsi priests, nuns and other religious persons are turning a blind eye on executions and injustices, assisting the invaders, and also in directly persecuting non-Tutsi religious persons in their own communities. "Sister Catherine" a Nandi of Bukavu, whose real name is withheld for security, was actively involved in aiding refugees and other victims of the Tutsi hegemony in the area. She provided assistance to people who were escaping marauding invaders. She raised funds from friends and charitable organizations abroad in order to support her humanitarian assistance to the suffering population. She protected the innocent victims of ethnic killings. For these reasons, Tutsi nuns in her own community hated her and fabricated charges of stealing money, corruption and behaving in a manner unfit of a religious person. Finally they demanded her expulsion from the Order until her life was threatened that she run into exile leaving the convent only to Tutsi nuns. Her entire family was slaughtered. She tells of native Congolese priests and other religious persons who have been killed ; others are hiding in forests or gone in exile. Their Tutsi counter-parts remain comfortably at their posts, oftentimes covering up the true picture of the situation.
The scandalous activities of Bishop Halem'Imana , former Bishop of Kabale, Uganda, with RPF during the invasion of Rwanda is further proof of the depth of ethnicity. He reportedly turned his residence into a training camp for RPF agents, according to a defector who completed the month-long indoctrination course. RPF officers used his vehicles to carry out their missions oftentimes returning them with blood stains. In 1993 a Tanzanian Evangelist investigated the ethnic conflict in Burundi. He found out that even Christian virtues have not bridged the satanic gap between Tutsis and Hutus. As he delivered his report to a meeting of All African Council of Churches in Nairobi, he concluded that "if the devil belongs to a tribe, it must be Tutsi".

What Angola, Namibia and Zimbabwe have done in Congo is what Zaire, Tanzania, Kenya should have done in Rwanda in 1990 when Uganda invaded. That could have saved over 4 million African lives. Many Kenyans are aware of the danger Museveni and Kagame pose for their country. Tanzania is even more infiltrated by Tutsis, according to internal sources. It is a matter of time for any country in the region to face the bitter reality.
Whenever there is an opportunity to discuss the crisis in the region, most African leaders are afraid of speaking the truth or seek counsel from Washington on the basis of which they will discuss Africa's tragic situations. The real problem is never addressed for fear of angering the powerful criminals, lest foreign aid will be suspended. Yesterday was Rwanda; today is Congo. The next could be any of the neighboring countries. American interests plunder Africa's mineral wealth and depopulate the land, fulfilling Kagame's 1995 declaration on Radio Rwanda that he will have no problem "emptying a drum of water (regional population) using a bottle cap (minority Tutsi tribe)". They display no regard to the lives and welfare of the African people. This is precisely what European companies did in Africa more than a century ago. King Leopold treated the Congo real estate as his personal plantation. American corporations currently seek to do likewise. … Tutsis have prostituted themselves to neo-colonial interests against their fellow Africans.

[ In 1926 Rwanda, Belgium implemented tribal identity classification, turning a symbiotic if rustic feudal system into a rigid class structure when ruling minority Tutsi tribal status was given anyone with more than 10 cows and serf majority Hutu status was for all with less. Those professing to be neither Tutsi or Hutu were assigned to the 3rd most prevalent tribe which, though politically irrelevant, was refuge from the traditional feudal system.
U.S. perpetuates this class based but tribally segmented perversion of former culture by supporting whichever faction(s) appear most capable of resolving territorial dispute with military might, control of resources determing which army dictates the leaders for the genocidal ruling class. This conveniently aggrandizes expropriation of national resources. Social division from the small country of Rwanda is now the leading threat to peace in many nations throughout Africa. ]

Tutsis are notorious for disguising their identities by changing names. For example, Micomyiza became Mico; Sekamana is Ssekamanya; Gahoza is Kakooza; Ghatoto is Kato. Surumana is Suruma. There are numerous examples of such cases in Congo and Uganda. Of all African people, only Tutsis have the habit of disguising their identities by doing "surgery on their names".

[ Apologists for this propensity to dissemble or "sneakiness" remark it is an understandable cultural trait among the Tutsi tribe, always in the minority hence dependent on Nietschze's characterization of the priest in prehistoric or fundamental social dynamics: in order to survive, he must use guile to defeat the overwhelmingly superior physical strength of oppressors.
Other observations as to motives for outre camouflage common among the Westside Boys & Uganda irregulars conclude that donning outlandish garb found among pillage ( ex. pink wigs & feather boas worn into combat) bestows a drastically different identity, an "alter ego", on genocidal soldiers, giving them someone else to blame for their sins.
However reprehensible, it is entirely understandable adaption to preserve a compartmentalized sanity in the murderous madness of African war. ]

Commercial pilots operating in the area identified C-130 and C-5 aircrafts transporting invaders from Kigali and Goma to Matadi. These were undoubtedly American planes. During that time as the invaders temporarily took over Matadi advancing to Kinshasa, three American aircraft carriers were anchored in the Atlantic Ocean not too far from the port of Matadi. Military observers viewed this as being further proof of the Pentagon's deep involvement in Congo. Over 4000 troops plus tanks, APCs, trucks etc..were airlifted. More than half of the invaders were killed. The civilian population played a decisive role in defending their capital. It is estimated that over one thousand invaders were burnt to death by civilians using old car tires placed around the necks. This method is locally known as KAMUNDELE (literally meaning, "barbecuing"). The horror of this execution style was seen by a French helicopter pilot who flew over Kinshasa from Brazzaville to monitor the situation and narrowly escaped being shot down. He is reported as having advised the invaders and foreign supporters to abandon the city since this had become a people's war against the enemies.
War prisoners captured in Matadi and Kinshasa are soldiers belonging to the armies of Uganda and Rwanda. Ugandan soldiers interviewed in a Kinshasa prison said that they were told by Tutsi commanding officers that they were going to the Congo border to fight rebels. As soon as they reached the border, they were ordered to enter Congo. They were later put on planes and flown to Matadi by Americans, some of whom they had seen in previous military drills inside Uganda.

FRENCH CONNECTION: Surprisingly, the French sided with the invaders. They participated in providing them with air transport from Goma and Kigali to Matadi and Kinshasa airport. An advance team of invaders was captured near Kinshasa airport by pro- government troops. The captured invaders were forced to signal their colleagues to advance as scheduled. In the process, three French planes landed with more Tutsis troops aboard, weapons and supplies. The French aircrafts were incapacitated and the pilots were interrogated. This incidence was of great embarrassment to the French. However, the damage is expected to be repaired during Kabila's visit to Paris in Nov. 1998.

Along with the United States, South Africa has become a major supplier of weapons to Uganda, Rwanda and Burundi. These weapons are now used in invading and killing innocent people in Congo and throughout the Great Lakes region. South Africa makes blood money through sales of weapons to murderous regimes of Uganda, Rwanda and Burundi who are killing Africans in Congo and at the same time tries to mediate for peace.

Zimbabwe financier of Congo war

12/17/99 Ghana Review
The inquiry team said the massacres could have been slowed down, if not prevented, had the mission, headed by beleaguered Canadian General Romeo Dallaire, been allowed to act in the first hours of the killings. The report went into detail on a message Dallaire faxed to U.N. headquarters on Jan. 11, 1994, reporting information from an informant warning of preparations for mass killings, arms stockpiles and efforts to target Belgian contingents. At the same time Dallaire had doubts about the report from the informant and Annan decided not to allow the U.N. Assistance Mission in Rwanda, known as UNAMIR, to go after the arms cache as Dallaire wanted.
Rwanda's president, Juvenal Habyarimana, was informed but took no action. The shooting down of his plane on April 6 touched off the slaughter in earnest. The United States, Belgium and France were shown the fax and also took no action. The report faults U.N. officials for playing down the report and not informing the entire council.

Canadian general Dallaire was in that time commander of the UN peace force in Rwanda. He informed his superior and the UN in New York about the plans of Habyarimana. His superior, the Canadese general Baril ordered Dallaire to report to Habyarimana that the UN were informed about his plans but that they would not interfere. Shortly after that the genocide on estimated 500.000 Tutsi and moderated Hutu in Rwanda was executed by the Hutu regime. Habyarimana himself died before that moment. According to reports Dallaire & Baril were forbidden by the Canadian government to testify before the Belgian Rwanda Commission that investigates the murder in Rwanda of ten Belgian UN soldiers in 1994. Nevertheless Dallaire has delivered his confessions. Perhaps these publications will lead to reflexion within the UN.

U.N. peacekeeping force in Rwanda, under Dallaire command , was reduced from 2,500 to 270 once the killings began. Maj. Gen. Dallaire told a Seattle audience in 1997 that Kagame bluntly told the French commanders when the two forces met in Rwanda in 1994 that the civilian population in Kigali could stomach more dead bodies more than in Paris. Kagame was not a man to bluff: his highly disciplined forces (outnumbered 2-1) were winning a winner-take-all ground war. (Strangely, Dallaire's blue helmets found themselves maintaining a cease-fire cordon between the RPF and French, with orders to assist the French from Dallaire's U.N. superiors, prompting retaliatory threats from Kagame against the U.N. troops. Dallaire made plans to have the blue helmets storm out of RPF-controlled Kigali in light of these threats.) Like Dallaire, the French took Kagame's threat seriously and backed down.

3/99 Rwanda: The French Connection

Meanwhile, AFP reported that the defense lawyer for Rwandan genocide suspect Jean-Paul Akayesu last Friday had asked the UN tribunal to summon former prime minister Jean Kambanda. The lawyer said Kambanda's testimony would clarify what transpired at a meeting on 18 April 1994, in the central Rwandan city of Gitarama, after which Akayesu, then mayor of nearby Taba, allegedly incited the slaughter of Tutsis in his locality. Canadian General Romeo Dallaire begins his testimony as a witness for the defence on 23 February in the trial of Jean-Paul Akayesu.

2/19/98 IRIN Weekly per Congo Times Form

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