Plan Colombia collateral damage
4.23.01 Andrew Buncombe Independent UK Mr Bowers' brother, Phil, said he had spoken to his brother and had been told the fighters continued to attack, after the wounded pilot, Kevin Donaldson, managed to crash-land the plane on the Amazon. "It happened very fast. The planes flew by first, did some swooping and then came in from behind and started shooting," he said. Mr Bowers was able to unstrap the bodies of his wife & daughter from their seats and pull them on to a pontoon. He told his son to jump into the water. The survivors were rescued by locals in dug-out canoes who ferried them along the river to the nearest town.
4.23.01 Bob Drogin LATimes
Congress passed a law in 1994 that allows the CIA and other U.S. govt employees to assist foreign nations in the interdiction of aircraft when there is "reasonable suspicion" that the plane is primarily engaged in illicit drug trafficking. The law limits U.S. assistance to those countries with "appropriate procedures
to protect against innocent loss of life" and that "at a minimum include effective means to identify & warn an aircraft" before an attack is launched. Peru was approved for such assistance 12.8.94 Since then, Peruvians
shot, forced down or strafed more than 30 drug-running aircraft and seized more than a dozen on the ground, according to U.S. officials. Several U.S. agencies involved in pgm, incl State Dept, CIA, Defense Dept & DEA.
In this case, the CIA crew members were aboard a small two-engine surveillance jet on patrol at 9:43 a.m. Friday
when they notified their base, which U.S. officials refused to identify, that their sophisticated radar was tracking a
small aircraft that had crossed 3 or 4 miles into Brazilian territory. The Americans radioed a second report 12
minutes later, as the unidentified aircraft reentered Peruvian airspace. At that point, following standard procedures,
the Americans requested that the Peruvian air force officer in charge at an air base at Pucallpa determine whether
the plane was on an approved flight plan. The U.S. intelligence official said the officer could not find an approved
flight plan for a plane in the border area, which is covered by airspace known as the Air Defense Identification
Zone. Under procedures approved by the commanding general of the Peruvian Air Force 6th Territorial Air Region,
the Peruvian air force then launched a fighter jet to visually identify the aircraft, verify its registry, attempt to
establish radio contact and, if necessary, force it to land or shoot it down. The aircraft was quickly identified as a
single-engine, high-wing floatplane. The Peruvian lieutenant colonel aboard the U.S. plane then tried to
communicate in Spanish with the aircraft over 3 separate radio frequencies but heard no response. The Americans
did not try to communicate in English.
"Our guys would never try to communicate with the suspect aircraft," said the U.S. intelligence official. "In any case,
we're told the pilot was fluent in Spanish. But we didn't hear anything. If he was transmitting, we weren't hearing it
in English or Spanish." The Peruvian officer aboard the U.S. plane had flown numerous similar flights over the last
nine months or so. He told the pilot of the Peruvian fighter, an aging A-37, to go to "Phase 2" and fire warning shots
at the floatplane.
It was unclear Sunday whether the pilot actually fired a warning with tracer rounds or, if they were fired, whether the
pilot or passengers saw them. The U.S. intelligence official said the CIA crew did not see any warning shots fired.
The Peruvian officer then quickly requested permission from his commander on the ground to order the fighter to
move to "Phase 3", to fire his weapons with the goal of disabling the Cessna. If that failed, the plane could be shot
down. The U.S. intelligence official said the CIA crew "attempted repeatedly to slow the intercept process" &
"voiced objections" and expressed "serious concerns" when the fighter plane was authorized to fire. The CIA crew
members were "not in the chain of command," the official said. "They just kept questioning him. They kept saying:
'Are you sure? It's not clear to us.' " The U.S. crew then asked the Peruvian fighter pilot to note the suspect plane's
tail number and to fly alongside it to ensure that the other pilot saw him. For reasons still unclear Sunday, the tail
number was not radioed back to the Peruvian officer in Pucallpa.
The U.S. official said "well-established procedures
may not have been fully or properly adhered to" by Peruvian air force authorities. An official at the destination
airport in Iquitos said the missionaries' plane did not have a flight plan when it took off Friday morning from
Islandia near the Brazilian border, the Associated Press reported. But the pilot relayed the necessary information
when he radioed the control tower in Iquitos, airport chief Mario Justo was quoted as saying. During the brief radio
conversation, the missionary pilot said a military plane was nearby, according to the AP report. "He added in his
report that there had been a military plane, but that he did not know what it wanted," Justo said. In Pennsylvania, an official with the Assn. of Baptists for World Evangelism said it appeared that the accident occurred because the missionary plane was using a civilian radio frequency to communicate with the Iquitos airport, while the Peruvian air force personnel were using a military frequency. Neither side could hear the other's transmissions, said Hank Scheltema, the Baptist association's aviation director, according to a Reuters report. The missionary pilot "was saying to the tower: 'They're going to kill us! They're killing us! They're killing us! And he tried to communicate [with the Peruvian plane], but they were on different frequencies," Scheltema said.
Relatives Say Downed Plane Was Following Procedures But Peru's Military Says Plane Was Flying Unannounced. White House Suggests Peru Breached Rules Of Engagement 4.23.01 CBS News The single-engine plane, which was being tracked by a U.S. counter-drug surveillance plane, had contacted the air tower in the jungle city of Iquitos and received landing clearance about 10 minutes before it was downed, said Richmond Donaldson, father of pilot Kevin Donaldson. "Here was a plane following a regular route. Drug runners do not follow regular routes," he said. [ Then CIA procedure uses a flawed tracking profile. Or drug runners DO fly regular routes, relying on bravado. ]
After being hit by the gunfire, the Cessna 185 crash-landed in the Amazon River near the jungle town of Huanta,
625 miles northeast of Lima. Peruvians rescued husband, son & pilot, 42yr old Donaldson, who suffered a
crushed leg bone & severed arteries in his foot. Husband, Jim Bowers, 37, from Michigan, was debriefed by
Peruvian authorities before flying to N.Carolina to visit relatives Sunday. Donaldson, taken to Reading Hospital
& MedCtr after arriving Sunday at Philadelphia Intl Airport, was listed in fair condition Monday morning.
Doctors performed surgery on the lower portions of each of his legs. |
[ Daddy, floundering in midlife crisis with too much time on his hands, looks to bible beating church for another monolithic force like the military to take care of him & family. ]
I was 12 years old when I saw my need for a Savior.
Our home was always open, especially for single GI's. My dad felt they needed a place to go for a good meal. My mom always did a great job of that, especially on Sundays. Not only did we have military
personnel in our home, but also pastors, evangelists and missionaries. What a wonderful opportunity it was to sit
at the table with godly men & women and to be influenced by their lives.
Jennifer Odom more
¹Pentagon says this Army pilot's crash in Colombia last July was "mishap" but her family believes she was shot down, first of many soldiers likely to die in undeclared war 7.5.00 Jeff Stein Salon
WASHINGTON Jennifer Shafer Odom, 29, a slim, motorcyle-riding brunet & top graduate of
West Point, become first U.S. military casualty of Washington's "war against drugs" in Colombia. Now, a year later,
Congress is sending $1.3 billion in direct military aid to Bogotá, raising the stakes even higher. The measure
includes an untold increase in U.S. military and civilian "advisors," on top of the several hundred DEA agents and
Green Berets already there
Air & Marine Interdiction
Division
Customs air and marine crews are law enforcement officers who receive extensive training at the Federal Law
Enforcement Training Center in Glynco, Georgia.
Detection Systems Specialists (DSS) are primarily
responsible for monitoring ground-based & airborne detection systems. Using the latest in detection
equipment & experience, the DSS is able to acquire, track and alert Customs crews of suspicious
aircraft and vessels for identification. The typical DSS generally has prior experience as a military or civil air
controller.
Every year hundreds of professionals from the USCS Air and Marine Interdiction Division visit
primary & secondary schools, civic groups, charitable gatherings and business groups to disseminate the anti-
drug message. Organizations interested in obtaining more information about this free community service should
write to the following facility.
2000 Narcotics Certification Determinations
ASST SEC BEERS
certification process. Under U.S. law, President must certify
each year whether govts of the major drug-producing & drug transit countries cooperated fully
with U.S. or taken adequate steps on their own to meet the goals & objectives of 1988 UN
Drug Convention. The President certified 20 of 24 countries. Cambodia & Haiti were not
granted certification for cooperating but were granted national interest waivers. Burma &
Afghanistan were denied certification.If the President does not certify a govt, it is ineligible for
most forms of US assistance, with exception of humanitarian & counter-narcotics
assistance, and the US is obliged to vote no to any assistance loans in multilateral
development banks for countries denied certification. The law also provides for waivers of
countries vital to U.S. national interest for exemption from denial of certification per
sanctions. Narcotics certification process is integral part of our drug control policy, and it provides
opportunity to make objective assessment of each country's drug control efforts during previous
year.
question on Peru
related to corruption, Vladimir Montesinos & narco-traffickers in Peru. Reports in Latin America
media signaling his relations with narco-traffickers. In the report, there is little mention of Montesinos or his relationship with narco-traffickers. Is it
because he was mentioned as CIA informant of U.S.?
ASST SEC BEERS (doesn't address topic of corruption or Peru,
instead speaking of "process" & seizures)
Q: Will this Administration have any new ideas regarding what
has been called "the balloon effect," which is when one country's neighbor has a decrease, or has
a successful eradication, while other countries bordering it will have an increase? It seems
that that is what has happened as we watch a decrease in production in Peru & Bolivia, with
an increase in Colombia.
ASST SEC BEERS This Administration will announce specific numbers for State Dept
budget, along with the same time frame that Bob Brown indicated at beginning of April, and at that
point in time we will be able to talk specifics. But as I have said, and as Bob has said, what we are
talking now about is a significant budget request for an Andean regional program, which
will cover not just Colombia, but Bolivia, Peru, Ecuador, Brazil, Venezuela & Panama, as a
geographic area. And it will be balanced so that Colombia does not have the 85% funding that
it did in the Plan Colombia Supplemental. It will be closer to a 50/50 ratio between Colombia
& other states in the region, and it will be more heavily devoted to economic pgms like
alternative development, and that too will approach closer to a 50/50 relationship overall. Q: As you mentioned before, there are some in Congress & some within the Administration, and also, Mr. Brown, your predecessor, Gen. McCaffrey, who say to the process of certification, what's the point if we are going to certify 20 of the major drug producers, and also give a waiver to some of the countries because it is in our national interest? Could you explain the point of certification? Would it be more fruitful to kind of just work on these cooperative programs without having to finger-point or grade countries, when we know we are going to pass, give them a pass anyway, at the end of the day?
2.13.97 Steve Macko ENN
The U.S. military, the DEA and the Customs Service share intelligence that is gathered
from surveillance flights over the northern portion of S.America and two radar stations that are
located deep in the Peruvian Andes. Since 1993, the Peruvian air force has shot down or
intercepted more than 60 drug smuggling aircraft, with the assistance from U.S.
upcoming event LAD 2001 Latin America Exhibition & Conference on Defense Technology Rio de Janeiro, Brazil 4.24-27.01
Peru rank #7 1996 Direct Commercial Sales |
American anti-narcotics officials privately expressed similar doubts about contractors. Some note
Aviation Development crew identified missionary plane as suspect even though it was en route to
Iquitos, Peru, rather than leaving that country's airspace. State Dept announced today it was
sending sr. anti-narcotics official Rand Beers to Peru to lead joint investigation with authorities
there. In Congress, intelligence committees are gathering information about the incident; House
Govt Reform subcommittee scheduled hearing for Tuesday. Whether Aviation Development
employees on surveillance plane worked exclusively for the C.I.A. isn't clear. Phone calls to co.
office at Maxwell Air Force Base in Montgomery went unanswered this week, and calls to home of
president, Lex
Thistlethwaite, not returned. Authorities at Maxwell allowed company to operate out of
remote hangar at the base since 1997. But even the officials responsible for handling private
contractors said they knew almost nothing about Aviation Development or its activities.
"If they're who I think they are, they've been here for 2 or 3 years," said Susan Smith, who is in
charge of business operations. "My office has no relationship with them. The contract was written
out of some organization in Washington, D.C."
At their peak in the mid-1960's, wholly-
owned CIA subsidiaries named Civil Air Transport Company, Air America and Intermountain
Aviation employed as many as 20,000 people and operated about 200 planes, rivaling the size of
TWA. In recent years, American military & intelligence agencies increasingly contracted
workers from private companies to reduce visibility of sensitive operations by substituting paid
civilians for American troops or career intelligence officers. In Colombia, for instance, where
Congress has strictly limited the number of American troops & their activities, federal officials
have hired DynCorp, information technology & aviation giant, to
conduct drug crop fumigation runs & ferry Colombian troops into conflict zones.
Unlike American military advisers, Colombia contract workers are not bound by lawmakers'
orders to avoid combat. Extent of C.I.A. involvement with aviation companies became public
in the mid-1980's, when longtime employees of agency- owned airlines applied for govt pensions
for perilous missions decades earlier to air-drop agents into China or supply the French at Dien
Bien Phu. Govt blocked request on grounds they never officially worked for the C.I.A. Eugene
Hasenfus, pilot shot down over Nicaragua while flying supplies to American-backed contra rebels
in 1987, filed suit against 2 airlines with C.I.A. connections, Corporate Air Services &
Southern Air Transport, for negligence & fraud, casting light on their ties to American
intelligence. Hasenfus had flown for C.I.A. airline Air America in SE Asia.
C.I.A. spokesman Bill Harlow today declined to discuss agency's relationship with Aviation
Development. "We have no comment on the company involved & contractors in this case,"
he said. When Aviation Development first settled at Maxwell in 1997, was greeted with
considerable fanfare. Mr. Thistlethwaite announced at the time that he had received a $10million
Pentagon contract to test & evaluate several different airborne sensors, according to a news
release. The company would use 5 Cessna Citation V twin-engine jet aircraft, he said. Mr.
Thistlethwaite, who said Aviation Development was his first
company, delighted local officials by joining the Chamber of Commerce and pledging to employ
about 45 people, with about a third hired locally. Montgomery mayor Emory Folmar said the
completion of a 1000ft extension to Maxwell's runway had helped lure the company to the base.
That runway extension, which cost $5.7 million, had been advocated by Sen. Richard C. Shelby,
Alabama Republican who has since become
Select Committee on Intelligence chairman, and Rep. Terry Everett, GOP, for Montgomery area.
Sen. Shelby spokeswoman Andrea Andrews confirmed his role in
winning the runway improvement at Maxwell. Said senator had no ties to Aviation Development or
to Mr. Thistlethwaite.
Ed Soyster, retired general, says until last month his company, MPRI, was
involved in the anti-drug effort in Colombia. "Our focus is with the ministry of defense assisting
them with restructuring & focusing their efforts in the counter-drug area," he said. "We work
with logistics, we work with their training, intelligence, those things that function at the ministry
level." Private military companies are barred by State Dept license from ever taking part in combat.
But observers say it happens. "For DynCorp and these other companies to say, 'We're not
involved in combat' is ridiculous," said Wayne Madsen of the Electronic Privacy
Information Center. DynCorp will not discuss one recent incident in which two of its private soldiers
flew a helicopter into a jungle battle under heavy fire from rebel forces. The Americans, said to
have been armed with M-16 rifles, went in to rescue trapped Colombian police.
[ A humanitarian mission to Jesse Helms & Trent Lott ]
"Either we're involved or we're not. And I think it's clear that we are, because
most these people are retired military, retired CIA. They are armed & they are engaged in
ground fights." said Schakowsky. "For risk-averse U.S. military, employing private contractors
helps overcome political reluctance where risks are high and there is little domestic constituency
for U.S. troops' involvement." Military expert Thomas K. Adams in U.S. Army War College Quarterly.
[ Precisely the thinking when King Geo.III put Hessians in the American colonies. Mercenaries
are typically employed in latter stages of empires when citizens no longer identify with policy or national identity
enough to fight for either, whether for govt or against. This was echoed in 2001 presidential selection where not
one of 100 senators felt compelled by constituent sentiment to challenge specious U.S. electoral college results'
certification lest it disturb placid domestic status quo. Thank you for trying, Rep. Cynthia McKinney, Rep. Bob
Filner & Cong. Black Caucus. ]
A 1993 presidential directive shifted U.S. anti-drug efforts from Mexico & the Caribbean to so-called source
countries, like Colombia & Peru. The U.S. carries out joint drug interdiction efforts with Latin American
governments under the National Defense Authorization Act of 1995. "The U.S. Govt provides aerial tracking
assistance to many countries in the region," Boucher said this week. "Colombia is the only other country that
employs a program of interdiction similar to that of Peru."
[ All others retain enough sovereignty & stability to at least pretend to sustain borders. Once that
capability is lost, the nation no longer exists in fact. Then it becomes imperial vassal until barren & abandoned
like W.Sahara ]
In terms of the dollar value of contracts it was awarded, DynCorp ranked 17th among Defense Dept contractors in 2000, garnering $771 million worth. Some recent deals included $29 million for work on the Defense Message System Transition Hub, $12 million for work with the Central Command's Prepositioned War Reserve Materiel in Southwest Asia pgm, and $78 million "for long range strategic planning & support for Directorate of Strategic Planning, USAF Dep.Chief of Staff for Plans & Pgms," according to the Pentagon. MPRI was in 1999 awarded a contract that could be worth a total $58 million "for overall support for Army Force Management planning, integration and execution."
Anti-drug agencies rely on contractors for a variety of counternarcotic purposes in the Andes. In some cases, they
are needed for short-term missions in which it doesn't pay for the U.S. to hire new employees, said Dennis Jett, a
former ambassador to Peru. But there's another reason, Jett noted. "In terms of politicians, there's less sensitivity if
there were a fatality for a contractor than a man in uniform or a woman in uniform," he said. This has been seen as
a big consideration in Colombia, where the State Department uses Reston, Va.-based Dyncorp to fly fumigation
missions over fields of coca & poppy, the raw materials for cocaine and heroin. Dyncorp employees have
come under fire while flying eradication missions in territory controlled by leftist guerrillas. On Feb. 18, contractors
flew by helicopter into a gun battle in southern Colombia and rescued the crew of a downed police helicopter.
Delahunt said his proposal would help avoid "mission creep", gradual escalation of U.S. involvement in Colombia,
by having Colombians take on more anti-drug missions.
[ Like Burma, this means putting the biggest drug profiteers in
charge of stopping themselves. ]
State Dept says policy has always been to help prepare Colombians to take over the eradication missions, some of
which have been handled by Colombian National Police. In 1998, the U.S. Embassy in Bogota began developing a
plan to phase out the use of contractors, Congress' GAO reported last year. But it said the plan was never
approved and was set aside following the approval of the $1.3 billion anti-drug package. A State Dept internal audit
last year noted that it is much more expensive to rely on contractors instead of Colombians.
[ Castano isn't bonded for liability damages
]
It said a Dyncorp pilot receives $119,305 a year, compared with $45,000 for contractors hired by Colombian
National Police. The State Dept also must pay higher costs for housing & security. Dyncorp has a $200million
5 year contract with the department, company spokeswoman Janet Wineriter said.
[ Why does State Dept pay the tab for CIA temps? ]
|
Treachery over the Andes 4.24.01 Jeff Stein Salon
Salon investigation of several U.S. air units flying drug interdiction flights over Colombia shows American
military personnel routinely worried about the trustworthiness of their local allies. They also complained of poor
security, compromise of flight plans, and friction between U.S. military, CIA and local military personnel. "It was
bound to happen sooner or later," said a former U.S. Special Forces soldier who served on several anti-drug
missions in the region, including in Colombia.
But in Colombia, problems of coordination & communication are only part of the problem, veterans say. There
is also evidence that Washington's host & ally in the Colombian drug war has been penetrated by the
narcotics cartels. Pilots have complained that Colombian military personnel riding along on their surveillance flights
notified drug traffickers of their whereabouts. "In Vietnam, you called them Victor Charles, or Charlies," said
26yr old former U.S. Army Ranger who served as advisor in Colombia in 1997, referring to nickname for
Communist Viet Cong. "We call them 'Julios'", drug traffickers & their agents inside Colombia's military units.
July 1999, when wife Jennifer Odom's U.S. Army spy plane crashed in Colombia, killing her, 4 other U.S.
crewmembers and 2 Colombian military "ride-alongs". "I'll always believe that plane was shot down, and now because of Peru, maybe we'll
someday find out it was by one of our own," said husban Chas. Odom, himself a retired Army colonel. Odom has
long theorized that a drug cartel, tipped off to the spy plane's movements by corrupt military personnel, was
responsible for downing his wife's plane, because she was constantly taking ground fire and had often been "lit up"
by missile radar when flying over the coca fields. The Army insists Jennifer Odom's 4 prop Dehaviland-7 crashed
into the Andes because the crew put faulty target coordinates into the onboard navigation computer. But her
husband says the data was always provided by the U.S. Embassy in Bogota, a view backed up by other members
of her unit, the 204th Military Intelligence Battalion, based in El Paso, Texas. Moreover Odom, who won two DEA
citations for helping down suspected narcotics flights, also worried about the reliability of the Colombians who often
ride along, her husband says. So did former crewmember Briana Krueger, U.S. Army intelligence specialist who, unlike Odom, lived to tell about it herself. But Krueger's husband Ray was not so lucky; he perished along with Odom on the fateful July surveillance mission. Like Chuck Odom, Krueger believes her spouse lost his life because officials within the Colombian military, possibly even the U.S. military, were collaborating with drug traffickers. Ironically, the Odom & Krueger deaths helped lead to expanded use of for-hire civilian contractors, like CIA-paid crew that first identified the Bowers' plane as drug-trafficking suspect, in order to avoid more U.S. military casualties. |
7.5.00 Bruce Shapiro Salon What makes Colombia a quagmire is the utter corruption on all sides. Every faction, left-wing guerrillas, right-wing death squads, corrupt Colombian military elements and, under Hiett at least, the U.S. Army, has some involvement in the drug trade. Hiett's corruption itself is not necessarily that unusual. Former U.S. Amb. to El Salvador & Paraguay Robt White "There's always been a fear of this by sensible people in the Pentagon. The legend is that the U.S. military is incorruptible, but that has proven not to be the case. There are quite a few instances of this corruption." the Hietts also neatly demonstrate the profound social inequity & inverted justice of the whole drug war. Judge Korman contrived to sentence Laurie Hiett to 2 years less prison time than called for in federal sentencing guidelines, and Col. Hiett himself was indicted for the smallest offense prosecutors could find on the books. Mrs. Hiett's "mule," Hernan Aquila, Colombian-born resident of Queens whom she recruited to transport her coke after its arrival in New York, last month received a longer prison term than her employer who initiated the scheme.
last Wednesday the Senate rejected an amendment by Sen. Paul Wellstone, D-MN, to the Colombia drug-
war bill which would have diverted much of that money into making effective drug-treatment programs widely
available.
policies that officers like Hiett are supposed to enforce
bear no relationship to the reality
they see every day: informants paid in drugs, family members who use drugs and drug agents who sell drugs.
what Congress buys with $1billion entry into Colombia's drug-drenched civil war is the Hietts on a massive
scale with
|
WM ARKIN The aircraft, as far as I can tell, are owned by the Air Force, operated by Dyncorp, on
behalf of the CIA. It is all very convoluted & generally exists in this fashion because there is no one
institution that embraces the counter-drug mission,
[ Least embraced by cocaine importing & money laundering CIA which is best suited by
convolution. ]
and no national consensus as to whether it is desirable or successful.
[ There is ample consensus that existing drug policy of prohibition is NOT successful hence
undesirable, but more effective & ethical alternatives such as harm reduction require legal accountability &
decentralization of authority contrary to national security hegemony
]
In pure bureaucratic terms, the tangled relationships also keeps the operations out of the public eye, and evades Congressional oversight. Sure a more "pure" law enforcement operation would be better, but I would argue that even that operation needs to be closely looked at.
The decision of the crew on the CIA's Citation surveillance plane not to approach the missionary aircraft and
observe its registration number underscores one of the main challenges facing the anti-narcotics missions. While
more than 30 smuggling flights have been intercepted in the last six years, far more suspicious planes have
escaped over neighboring borders to Colombian & Brazilian airspace, where neither Peruvians nor Americans
can follow. In Friday's case, the crew of the CIA plane made a decision not to approach close enough to the
missionary plane to read the registration number clearly painted in big black letters on its side. "The reason they
didn't go close was that, if it was a bad guy, they didn't want to give it a chance to go over the border before the
interceptors showed up," a U.S. official said.
But a former CIA pilot familiar with these missions said this
was unusual. "I do not know of a single instance where a daytime intercept was performed and the Citation crew
did not get the registration number prior to a decision to launch an interceptor airplane," he said. During daytime
operations, the American crew ordinarily uses zoom lenses on cameras located in the belly of the Citation to view
the number. The information is then communicated to the ground station, first in English by the Americans and then
in Spanish by the Peruvians, according to officials familiar with the missions.
Shortly before firing on the missionary plane, the Peruvian pilot observed its registration number and radioed it
back to a Peruvian liaison officer aboard the American plane but he did not call it into ground commanders for
verification, according to an American intelligence official. Once the military jet was airborne, the American crew
began to notice that the plane they were tracking was not behaving like a standard drug flight. The missionary's
Cessna was flying too high, on too steady a course, and making no attempt to hide itself or head for the border.
The crew tried to get the attention of a Peruvian Air Force liaison officer on board the CIA flight, but he "was talking"
into the radio "and not listening," a U.S. official said.
"They questioned him repeatedly," the official said.
"The problem is, once the interceptor shows up, it's now an interdiction operation. The commander [of the mission]
is now the commander of the Peruvian Air Force.
Our guys become a taxi service at this point." In a radio
communication overheard by a U.S. Customs Service P-3 Orion electronic-intelligence gathering plane over
Colombia at the time, the American crew then contacted the CIA directly in Lima, asking that the shoot-
down be stopped.
|
U.S. Role in Peru Plane Downing Adds to Mystery 4..22.01 Sebastian Rotella (Buenos Aires) & Natalia Tarnawiecki (Lima) LATimes
LIMA, Peru
As part of an anti-drug pgm in which U.S. aircraft help interdict smuggling flights,
an unarmed U.S. surveillance plane was providing support Friday morning when the Peruvian A-37B jet shot down
a private seaplane carrying 5 people, U.S. Embassy officials here revealed Saturday. 35yr old Baptist missionary
Veronica Bowers and her 7-month-old daughter, Charity, died after being hit by gunfire,
both killed
apparently by a single bullet that passed through the woman's body and entered the child's skull as she sat on her
mother's lap, her brother-in-law Phil Bowers said.
U.S. surveillance plane involvement, reportedly close enough for the Cessna185 seaplane 's pilot to see. Cessna
was spotted about 10am; shoot-down occurred about 11:20 a.m., according to the Peruvian govt & informed
sources. Peruvian air force officials insist that the missionary pilot, Kevin Donaldson, ignored radio warnings &
other internationally established procedures with which the Peruvian pilot tried to contact him. U.S. officials gave no
signs Saturday that they doubted the Peruvian version. Yet it is hard to understand why Donaldson, a veteran
missionary who grew up in Peru, would not comply with a Peruvian air force pilot.
Acknowledging the gravity of the matter, President Bush took time out from the Summit of the Americas
in Quebec City to say he planned to discuss the shoot-down with Peruvian Prime Minister Javier Perez de Cuellar.
"The U.S. is certainly upset by the fact that 2 citizens lost their lives," Bush said.
Amazon area where Peru, Brazil & Colombia converge is notorious for drug trafficking and guerrilla activity.
But the Bowerses were apparently unfazed by the dangers: They had lived in Peru since 1994,
4.23.01 AP But Americans aboard the surveillance plane voiced objections to Peruvian air force authorities before a jet from that country shot down the missionaries' plane, a U.S. official said Sunday. Survivors of the attack maintain they were fired upon without warning and that air force jets continued to strafe them even after they had crash landed, according to relatives.
4.23.01 Robt. Burns AP The Peruvian officer aboard the CIA plane requested permission from his superiors on the ground for the Peruvian jet to fire on the suspect aircraft in order to disable it, the U.S. official said. At this point "the U.S. crew voiced objections'' and asked that the interceptor jet's pilot fly alongside the suspect aircraft and get its tail number. The number was obtained but apparently was not called back to the Peruvian air force operations center on the ground before the shootdown was authorized The U.S. surveillance aircraft is owned by the Defense Dept but was operated by the CIA, a second U.S. official said. [ Spooks running the battlefield, just like 'Nam ] This official, who also spoke on condition of anonymity, said it appeared that the Peruvian authorities moved too quickly to attack the plane carrying the American missionaries. As a result, all such surveillance flights have been suspended, he said. Fleischer stopped short of blaming Peru for the incident. "The president is not interested in assigning blame. The president is interested in making certain that we don't let it happen again,'' he said.
4.23.01 Robt Burns AP
4.22.01 Robt Burns AP [ Donaldson filed flight plan. U.S. surveillance is incapable of tracking filings. ] The surveillance flights, he said, have been suspended "until we get to the bottom of the situation, to fully understand all the facts, to understand what went wrong in this terrible tragedy.'' The U.S. official said U.S. plane crew included a civilian pilot, co-pilot & systems operator who work under contract for the CIA. Also on board was a Peruvian air force officer responsible for coordinating with Peruvian authorities on the ground. This official said the CIA employees believed the Peruvian air force officer, once he was unable to contact the other plane's pilot on three different radio frequencies, moved too quickly through the established procedures for determining what action to take against the suspect plane. The official offered the following description of the incident: The CIA plane notified its base at 9:43 a.m. local time Friday of the radar sighting of an aircraft that crossed three to four miles into Brazil. A second sighting was called in 12 minutes later as the unidentified plane crossed back into Peruvian air space. The CIA crew asked the Peruvian officer to determine whether the aircraft was on an approved flight plan. The Peruvian officer could not locate a flight plan for a plane in that area. [ This is a job for the FAA to train the Peruvian aviation industry how to keep the sky cowboys from shooting up approach patterns. ]
Intl Fed. Air Traffic Controllers
Intl Aviation Safety Assessment
Pgm (IASA)
7.18.02 AP "3 million dollars? They're crazy!" Bozzo told Telemundo in an interview Wed. night after she was escorted out of Lima's airport. She denied taking any money from Fujimori's govt. Bozzo said she had been heading to the U.S. to record a TV program. Her lawyer said he had secured permission from a judge for Bozzo to leave the country. She was questioned Thu. behind closed doors by Saul Pena, one of 6 judges probing corruption ring allegedly headed by Montesinos. A bribery scandal involving Montesinos triggered the collapse of Fujimori's 10-year govt Nov. 2000. Since then, investigators have unraveled a web of corruption that they say is tied to the spymaster, who was Fujimori's right-hand man & security chief. Dozens of high-profile politicians, businessmen, journalists, judges and military officers have been implicated. Montesinos faces dozens of charges, incl extortion, influence peddling, arms smuggling and directing a paramilitary death squad. Fujimori has been living in self-exile in his native Japan.
7.30.01 Reuters Montesinos, who reportedly amassed a $270 million fortune and had a taste for diamond watches and secret trap- doors, was arrested last month in Venezuela after an eight-month manhunt. He now awaits trial on charges from embezzlement to murder. The spy chief fled last year after a video emerged showing him handing cash to an opposition politician. Hundreds of other tapes followed in a scandal that led Fujimori to seek refuge in Japan, where he was fired by Congress as "morally unfit." "Our purpose is not artistic but to poke fun at Montesinos through the loss of one of his famous videos and his weakness for women," said Sarmiento.
Montesinos, a married father of two, had poster-sized pictures of his lover on the wall of his beach house. The
movie features three dancers, who according to Lima's rumor mills are reminiscent of the intelligence agent's
numerous real-life female fans. "In the movie we are Montesinos' 'spy girls' and we search heaven and earth for a
video that was stolen by a businessman," said Tula Rodriguez, who plays one of Montesinos' henchwomen. In the
frenzied search for the missing video, the 'spy girls' are entangled in countless steamy escapades. From time to
time, they also sit on their beloved boss' lap and convince him to dole out cash.
low budget, high comedy |
Arms Traffickers 7.3.01 NTYimes
Since his arrest on June 23 in Venezuela, Vladimiro Montesinos, the former Peruvian spy chief, has begun
answering charges of torture and death squad activities, money laundering and arms trafficking. At the heart of the
arms trafficking allegations being assembled by Peruvian officials is a convoluted deal in 1998 in which Jordan may
have inadvertently sold nearly 10,000 Kalashnikov assault rifles through Peruvian, Lebanese and American
middlemen to drug-trafficking leftist guerrillas in Colombia. That deal opens a window on the shadowy world of
small arms trafficking just as the UN is about to convene a conference to devise intl standards & procedures
for curtailing this destructive trade.
At the time of the deal, Mr. Montesinos was working closely with the CIA on covert anti-terrorism & drug-
interdiction programs that the U.S. had operated in Peru since the late 1980s. His alleged arms broker, a Lebanese
man based in Miami, likewise had long-standing relationships with American intelligence and law enforcement.
They operated in a netherworld of smugglers and brokers who have thrived for years by working both sides of the
street, doing deals not just with the world's warlords and criminal groups but with legitimate governments as well.
Low-tech light arms like assault weapons and hand grenades have been responsible for as much as 90 percent of
the world's conflict-related killing in the decade since the end of the Cold War. The easy availability of small
weapons magnifies ethnic conflicts, empowers warlords & criminal groups, encourages the exploitation of
child soldiers and contributes to an appalling toll in civilian casualties. The UN conference, which will start next
Monday, represents a long overdue recognition by the world's diplomats that legal and regulatory solutions need to
be coordinated at a global level to be effective. If member states can agree on a standardized international system for vetting weapons exports and documenting where they wind up, something positive will have been achieved. But there will be limited impact if major arms brokers continue to enjoy the protection or indifference of govts, not least in Europe, that are afraid to reveal their covert business and intelligence relationships. In 1996 the U.S. Congress passed an amendment to the 1976 Arms Control Export Act that requires American arms brokers anywhere in the world and foreign nationals living or working in the U.S. to register and obtain licenses for all arms deals they do, whether on or off American soil. The law has been widely hailed as one of the best legislative instruments in the world for controlling arms middlemen. Yet to date not a single broker has been prosecuted for failing to register deals under the statute. The American law on arms brokers could be a valuable model for worldwide standards to curtail illicit arms brokering. But even the best laws will be ineffective without the political will and resources required to enforce them.
6.21.01 Reuters Democratic senators, now in control of the Senate agenda, plan to hold hearings early this Fall on Andean counterdrug policies, aides said on Thursday. They also want to look at U.S. ties to Peru's former intelligence chief Vladimiro Montesinos, now a fugitive accused of crimes including involvement in massacres, arms & drugs trafficking, money laundering and vote rigging. Human rights groups had long warned that the U.S. was turning a blind eye to human rights abuses in Peru for the sake of advancing its drug war objectives under president Alberto Fujimori, who was brought down in November by a series of political scandals surrounding his spy master, including the running of guns to Colombia's Marxist guerrillas. ¹
Cozy Deal
Eyes Wide Open
No Alternative Peru's longtime intelligence chief, Vladimiro Montesinos, a crucial CIA ally in the region, then stepped forward to take credit for dismantling an intl ring that he said had smuggled the guns. But his account was immediately challenged by officials in Jordan & Colombia, who suggested that the Peruvian government was more deeply involved than it cared to admit. Now, since his ouster in September, Mr. Montesinos has himself been implicated in the arms deal by two of the men who organized it. Peruvian officials are moving to prosecute him in connection with a large personal fortune he apparently hid in Swiss banks, and State Dept officials are complaining privately that the CIA was slow to inform them fully about what had gone on. American officials say the evidence of Mr. Montesinos's possible role in the gun running remains unclear. But they say the CIA's handling of the case has raised new questions about the agency's ties to Mr. Montesinos, deepening a rift in the Clinton administration over how closely it should dealing with an official who has been linked to human rights abuses and other crimes.
"We don't know for sure that he was involved, but there's a lot of smoke coming from his direction," an
administration official said. "We do know that we should have had a lot of the information a lot earlier than we got
it." Intelligence officials, who like others would discuss the matter only on condition of anonymity, defended the
CIA's actions. They said that while the agency may have been slow to uncover what had happened, it informed
administration officials promptly this year after the guns had been traced back to Jordan. While the CIA had worked
closely with Mr. Montesinos and depended on him to support covert anti-terrorism & drug-interdiction
programs the U.S. has operated in Peru since the late 1980's, they said, the agency has also reported in detail on
his purported misdeeds. Mr. Montesinos has not been heard from. He fled to Panama on Sept. 24, after the
disclosure of a videotape that showed him bribing an opposition legislator. When Panamanian officials refused
private pleas from the U.S. & the OAS to grant Mr. Montesinos political asylum, he flew back to Peru on Oct.
23 and went into hiding.
On Friday, after Switzerland's discovery of five bank accounts holding some $50 million,
Peruvian officials announced that they would try to prosecute him for illegally enriching himself
during his decade-long tenure as Pres. Alberto Fujimori's most powerful adviser. If Mr.
Montesinos was in fact earning money from arms trading, that apparently never crossed the minds
of the American intelligence officers in Amman. Intelligence officials said there was nothing
unusual about Jordanian military or intelligence officials running a proposed arms sale past the
CIA, even though they were under no formal obligation to do so. "They said, 'Would it upset our
relationship with you if we sold these weapons to the Peruvian govt?" one of the officials said. "It's
not unreasonable that the Peruvian govt might want weapons of this type. The Jordanians aren't
required to ask us."
Although the U.S. had closely watched weapons purchases by Peru since its
longstanding border dispute with Ecuador erupted in open warfare in 1995, CIA officials did only a
cursory check of the deal, several American officials said. Agency officers in Amman informed
senior diplomats and defense attachés at the American Embassy, officials said, but no one cabled
word of proposal to the State Dept. The CIA officers did notify their headquarters in Langley, Va.,
where it was then passed along to the agency station in Lima. Nonetheless, intelligence officers
there never raised the matter with Peruvian security officials because, an intelligence official said,
"it was told to us in confidence by the Jordanians." Several administration officials argued that this
amounted to far less than adequate notification by the CIA, regardless of the outcome. "This was
not an appropriate thing to have happen," a senior official said. "This was an issue that should
have been put before policy makers."
The arms broker who arranged the sale, Sarkis Soghanalian, said in an interview that
he, too, had been told the guns were going to the Peruvian military, and that he had demanded
& received end-user certificates validating that claim. But Mr. Soghanalian, who is awaiting
trial in Los Angeles on unrelated money laundering & bank fraud charges, also said the
Peruvians sought from the start to establish a discreet relationship they might use to buy more
sophisticated weapons. And after agreeing in Dec. 1998 to sell the 50,000 Jordanian rifles for just
under $500,000, Mr. Soghanalian said he flew to Lima to discuss Peru's other weapons needs.
The arms dealer, a Lebanese citizen who has sold vast amounts of weapons worldwide, said he
had met in Lima with several senior military officials and had lunch at a private Lima yacht club
with Mr. Montesinos, who was introduced to him as "the boss." He said, `We need someone like
you,' " Mr. Soghanalian recalled.
Peruvian officials presented Mr. Soghanalian with a shopping list of more than $70 million worth of hardware that
he thought could have been meant only for a regular army: antiaircraft weapons, communications gear and
equipment to upgrade tanks. The broker said there were some strange aspects to the arrangement: The Peruvians
asked to pay for the future purchases in cash and offered him $22 million as a down payment. They insisted on air-
dropping the AK-47's to their troops. The first of the cargoes was also turned back in the Amazon basin for
reasons that were never clear, and the shipments were finally aborted in Aug. 1999 after 9,540 of
the rifles had been sent. But Mr. Soghanalian said he did not think much of the fact that the
Peruvians also wanted to buy a large quantity of Russian SA-7 Strella missiles, a shoulder-fired
weapon that would immediately change the balance of power in Colombia if obtained by the
insurgents. American officials remain divided about Mr. Montesinos's possible role in the affair. Several officials said CIA reporting on the matter had been notably thin, despite the agency's extensive contacts in the Peruvian security forces. They said senior State Dept officials, including the under secretary, Thomas R. Pickering, had been deeply dissatisfied with the flow of information from the agency, both about the its own early role in the case and about the possible involvement of Peruvian officials. "Every time you asked a question, it would take a few days to get an answer," an official said. "And every time, their story would change a little. It was like pulling teeth." |
|
But that's nothing compared to the beating Ibarcena received during the filming of the movie's final scene -- the
bruises from which are still visible on his face. "The movie ends with a community barbeque where Montesinos is
recognized, grabbed and beaten up while he looks for his video, but I think the movie extras forgot I was an actor
because they almost killed me," said Ibarcena. Said Jose Cachay, a street actor who played a corrupt policeman
taking orders from Montesinos: "This is a comedy, just so you know, so I hope nothing happens to me." Depending on the success of "Vladi-skirts," which took 30 days to film on a shoestring budget, Sarmiento says he is contemplating sequels. "But first we need to get out of this craziness alive," he said, sitting in his small studio surrounded by photos of Montesinos from different angles. At his feet the floor is littered with wigs and fake dollar bills. |
7.8.01 AP Japan's Jiji News Service quoted Fujimori as saying that he plans to sue Higuchi over the comments. Japan granted Fujimori citizenship, and officials in Tokyo have said that as a Japanese national, he cannot be forced to return to Peru. Peruvian Prime Minister Javier Perez de Cuellar said Friday that investigators "practically have proof'' that Victor Aritomi, Peru's former ambassador to Japan and husband to Fujimori's sister, Rosa, had committed "grave irregularities'' to "hide bank deposits for his brother-in-law, Fujimori.'' Perez de Cuellar also referred to "misuse'' of Japanese donations, but did not elaborate. Fujimori, who denies any criminal wrongdoing, has been charged with dereliction of duty and abandonment of office. |
6.17.02 BBC Hours after Toledo said he would not go back on his privatisation plans, protesters rioted in Tacna, 165 kilometers (100 miles) from the capital, while demonstrators took to the streets again in Arequipa. Hundreds of vandals wrecked phone booths and smashed windows of banks and official buildings in Tacna, briefly forcing the closure of the airport, local officials said. Police responded with tear gas and made 30 arrests, with 2 of their own officers injured. Central govt representative in Tacna, Wilson Mazuelos, called for the state of emergency to be extended to include his city. In Arequipa, 10 people were reportedly injured on Monday morning as protesters gathered in clusters in the centre but soldiers could be seen patrolling the streets.
President Toledo insisted in a televised address on Sunday that privatisation met the needs of people in Arequipa
and urged citizens to show "serenity, calm and responsibility" after the clashes, estimated to have caused damage
costing $100m. A man struck by a tear-gas canister has died of his injuries while the Red Cross reports that 66
people, including 24 police officers, have been injured since Thursday. Peruvian Interior Minister Fernando
Rospigliosi said on Monday that the situation was "returning to normal". He blamed the unrest on "irresponsible
violent individuals". The troops moved to dismantle stone barricades erected by protesters who had crammed into the city's main square in their thousands over the weekend, for demonstrations which the police broke up with tear gas. |
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Also Sunday, the head of a congressional committee probing Montesinos' alleged ties to drug smuggling said
sources had told investigators that the former spy chief diverted confiscated cocaine to Mexican drug lords.
Accomplices switched fake cocaine for drugs that were slated for incineration, said lawmaker Juan Velit. "This
cocaine was being stolen from the ovens then re-exported to Mexico and from there, possibly to the U.S.,'' Velit
said. Velit was responding to an article in Mexico's El Universal newspaper that said Montesinos brokered the sale
of 18 tons of cocaine to the Tijuana-based Arellano Felix drug cartel between 1995 & 1999.
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Demonstrators protesting against govt's decision on Friday to sell off the state-owned utility companies Egasa and
Egesur. They accuse Mr Toledo of reneging on a pledge not to sell them, made during last year's election
campaign. Local residents fear they will see nothing of the $167.4m paid by the Belgian company Tractebel for the
2 companies. Toledo counters that the sale has $85m for infrastructure projects, and says that Tractebel committed
to making new investment of $90 million in the Arequipa region. As a result, 60,000 people would receive electricity
and 5,000 new jobs would be created in Arequipa, he said.
Privatisation, key part of the govt's economic policy, is an issue that has come to haunt the already unpopular
president, whose current poll rating is about 20%.
McKinney
Drug War claims 2 more
4.26.01 truthout
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Indian-born woman in space was heroine
2.1.03 AP
2.1.03 NASA As a member of the Red Team, Chawla, with CDR Rick Husband, was responsible for maneuvering Columbia as part of several experiments in the shuttle's payload bay. Chawla also worked with the following experiments: Astroculture (AST); Advanced Protein Crystal Facility (APCF); Commercial Protein Crystal Growth (CPCG_PCF); Biotechnology Demonstration System (BDS); ESA Biopack (8 experiments); Combustion Module (CM-2), incl Laminar Soot Processes (LSP), Water Mist Fire Suppression (MIST) and Structures of Flame Balls at Low Lewisnumber (SOFBALL) experiments; Mechanics of Granular Materials (MGM); Vapor Compression Distillation Flight Experiment (VCD FE); and the Zeolite Crystal Growth Furnace (ZCG). Selected by NASA Dec. 1994, Chawla was the prime robotic arm operator on STS-87 in 1997, the fourth U.S. Microgravity Payload flight. STS-87 focused on how the weightless environment of space affects various physical processes. Prior to STS-107, Chawla logged more than 376 hours in space. |
Just before she lifted off on the Columbia space shuttle for her second trip to space, she told reporters that her
inspiration to take up flying was J.R.D. Tata, who flew the first mail flights in India. "What J.R.D. Tata had done
during those years was very intriguing and definitely captivated my imagination,'' Press Trust of India quoted her as
saying 1.16.03 After her first flight in 1997, she had told News India-Times of seeing India's Himalayan Mountains and mighty rivers from space. "Ganges Valley looked majestic, mind boggling,'' she said. "Africa looked like a desert and the Nile a vein in it.''
Chawla was born 41 years ago in Karnal, about 80 miles north of New Delhi, in northern Haryana state. She
emigrated to U.S. from India in the 1980s and became a U.S. citizen. Chawla's parents, 2 sisters and sister-in-law
had gone to U.S. to watch her flight, a family friend, Arun Sharma, said outside the home of her brother, Sanjay, in
New Delhi. Sanjay Chawla was watching TV news when he heard about the disaster, and was unable to make any
comment, Sharma said. Press Trust of India had calculated exactly when Indians could look to the skies & wave as the space shuttle carrying mission specialist Chawla flew past in the heavens. PTI told readers in southern Bombay and Madras which minute of the day they could hail their countrywoman. The Times of India put her picture at the top of the front page in Saturday morning's editions, saying she & her crew mates were preparing for their homecoming. |
She became an astronaut in 1994. On her first space flight, she was blamed for making mistakes that sent a
science satellite tumbling out of control. Other astronauts went on a space walk to capture it.
India Today magazine reported that NASA had absolved Chawla, rating her a "terrific astronaut,'' and saying the
accident had resulted from a series of small errors.
On her 1997 flight, Chawla said that as the shuttle repeatedly passed over India, especially New Delhi, she pointed
it out to the other crew members and said, "I lived near there.''
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