member, Council on Foreign Relations; Trilateral Commission

… Sec.State Colin Powell's uncharacteristic bellicosity may have been necessary for him to stay in the complicated game played within the Bush administration. … Day to day, only the secretary of state stands up to the forceful VP Dick Cheney. …
'Sharon's war?' 12.26.03   Robert D. Novak CNN
Þ O L O N I U S

 
Time has come for the nation to stage an intervention. We need to come together and convince the vice president he needs to step down. Not just to save his life, but potentially to save the lives of millions of Americans. More important than presiding over creation of the new budget or chairing the administration's energy task force, this responsible act could be his greatest contribution to the country. It would be compassionate; it would be conservative.
Coronary heart disease is the No. 1 cause of death in America today. Roughly 1.1 million Americans will have a heart attack this year with around 400,000 of them dying as a result. About 12.2 million people have a history of heart attack, chest pains or both, with many of them, like Cheney, proudly, but irresponsibly & unwisely, soldiering on, denying the significance of the warning signs. While the whole world watches, the message the vice president sends is that power & position are more important than life itself.

In fact, in so many cases, such pursuits become just another addiction. And like any addiction, this one is rife with denial & self-delusion. The vice president began experiencing chest pains on Saturday. You'd think after suffering four heart attacks, the last 3 months ago, this might set off alarms. But not for Cheney, who not only kept to his arduous work schedule but his arduous social schedule as well, partying with Washington lawyer Roderick Hills on Saturday night and Alan Greenspan on Sunday. In the midst of all this, he told Wolf Blitzer on CNN: "I feel great." He exhibited the same bonhomie when leaving the hospital Tuesday morning, telling reporters he felt "good." when he just had a catheter tube inserted into his leg and run up to the heart to reopen the same clogged artery propped open by a metal stent in November.
Like all addicts, he's not just lying to us, he's lying to himself. Cheney's doctors say there is a 40% likelihood that he'll have another episode like the one he just suffered. Nevertheless, Cheney has already resumed his super-charged work schedule. "There is an increasing amount of scientific evidence," Dr. Dean Ornish told me, "that stress plays a large role. All these bypasses and angioplasties only temporize the problem. It's important to address the underlying causes of the condition rather than literally and metaphorically bypassing them."
When asked if he thought his ailing No. 2 should cut back on his responsibilities, our compassionate president said no: "He's plenty strong and plenty capable of carrying the workload that he's been working in the past." Of course, to the Bush family, Cheney is just a political version of the help. Is the vice president on a suicide mission or just unable to overcome his type-A addiction to the adrenaline high of his lofty position? After his last heart attack, he was asked if he was worried about having another one. "I don't operate that way," he replied. Put the gun to your head and see if the next chamber is the one with the bullet.

People who love him the most, his wife, his daughters, his close friends, should have intervened by now. But they haven't and, clearly, the enablers he works with are not likely to. President Bush called this week's cardiac catheterization, which Cheney's cardiologist termed "urgent" and "significant," a "precautionary measure." To me "precautionary" suggests adding some extra fruit and vegetables to your diet, not having a balloon inflated inside your heart. Of course, this is not the first time the seriousness of the vice president's condition has been obscured in a cloud of euphemistic understatement & out-and-out lying. "Dick Cheney is healthy. He did not have a heart attack," Bush told reporters last November when Cheney was hospitalized after suffering a heart attack. Obfuscation goes on. On Monday, Cheney spokeswoman Mary Matalin assured us that the vice president had checked himself in to the hospital for "a non-emergency precautionary procedure" after experiencing "two brief, mild episodes of chest discomfort" over the weekend.
By Tuesday that had doubled to four episodes of chest pain. This was the administration that was going to "restore honor and dignity to the White House" and put an end to linguistic hairsplitting. It's a question of subject" New Democrats lie about sex; aging Republicans lie about their cholesterol count. Illness is supposed to slow us down a step, take us back a pace and make us reevaluate our priorities. In a culture that, memorial service platitudes notwithstanding, always puts the urgent above the important, Cheney could send a powerful message about what ultimately matters. Vice presidents are supposed to attend other people's funerals.

Cheney 'doing great,' to work Monday
7.1.01   Reuters

Wash.D.C.   VP Cheney was feeling well on Sunday and planned to return to work on Monday after having a device implanted in his chest over the weekend to guard against episodes of a rapid heartbeat, his spokeswoman said. "He's doing great and he's relaxing in his house and he's looking forward to going back to work tomorrow," spokeswoman Juleanna Glover Weiss said. Doctors placed a pager-sized device in the vice president's chest on Saturday after finding him susceptible to rapid heartbeats. The implantable cardioverter defibrillator weighs less than 3 ounces and functions as a pacemaker to speed the heart rate, and as a defibrillator to slow it down. About 150,000 Americans have one.
Cheney, 60, walked out of George Washington Univ. Hospital a few hours after the surgery and said he was feeling well. He has had 4 heart attacks since 1978. It was the third major procedure to address his heart problems in the last 8 months and came after a monitoring device 2 weeks ago discovered he was having brief episodes of a rapid heartbeat.

The procedure reignited questions about Cheney's ability to serve in the No. 2 job in the country. But the vice president said on Friday doctors told him there was no reason he could not continue to function normally as vice president. Senate Majority Leader Tom Daschle on Sunday said he was not concerned about the possibility that Cheney's health could force him to leave the White House before completing his 4 year term. "Obviously this has been a matter that the vice president's had to contend with for many years," Daschle said on ABC's "This Week." "He's done it successfully, and I have every expectation he'll continue to do so."

Cheney returns to work with pacemaker
7.2.01   AP

Wash.D.C.   VP Dick Cheney is returning to work with a new heart pacemaker in his chest, promoting the energy strategy he assembled for the administration and attending his usual series of White House meetings. After meeting with President Bush on Monday morning, Cheney was fielding energy questions from reporters in at least three radio interviews and sitting down with staff members to discuss a range of policy issues, said spokeswoman Juleanna Glover Weiss. "It's a typical day,'' she said. Cheney planned no public appearances, and was not headed to Capitol Hill, she said. Cheney is a key contact between the administration and lawmakers, but Congress is in recess this week.
A dual-purpose pacemaker was implanted in Cheney's chest in an hour long procedure Saturday at George Washington Univ. Hospital. He was home a few hours later. It works like any other pacemaker by assuring that his heart does not beat too slowly. When it detects the beat slowing below a certain level, it sends a mild electric charge to pace the beat at a minimum level. More dramatically, if the heart suddenly surges to a dangerous, high-speed beat, the defibrillator kicks in. It sends an electrical jolt to the lower chamber of the heart and causes it to slow down. Sometimes this will cause the heart to slow too much, and that is when the pacemaker turns on and adjusts the rhythm.

That jolt could be jarring for Cheney, said American College of Cardiology pres. Dr. Douglas Zipes , authority on irregular heart rhythms who has consulted with the vice president's doctors. "That is something he will feel, and patients describe it anywhere from a giant hiccup to a mule kick in the chest,'' Zipes said on "Fox News Sunday.''
"With an electric shock, it contracts all of the muscles, not just the heart but the chest muscles, too,'' Zipes said. "Yes, it's recognizable.'' Cheney's personal cardiologist has said there was less than a 10% chance the defibrillator will be needed to calm Cheney's heart. Asked how the device will affect Cheney's daily life, Zipes said, "Probably not at all.''
Senate Majority Leader Tom Daschle, D-S.D., said he had no doubts about Cheney's ability to serve in his job. "Obviously this has been a matter that the vice president's had to contend with for many years,'' Daschle said on ABC's "This Week.'' "He's done it successfully, and I have every expectation he'll continue to do so.'' House Speaker Dennis Hastert, R-Ill., told CBS' "Face the Nation'' that Cheney has been "very, very vigorous in carrying out his office, and I expect him to continue to do so.''

Cheney's turning point
5.4.01   Greg Pierce
Wash.Times

It is said that behind every successful man, there´s a woman. VP Richard B. Cheney is married to Lynne Cheney, successful person in her own right. Cheney´s debt to his wife is expressed in his own words in 5.7.01 issue of the New Yorker.
After flunking out of Yale after 4 semesters, young Cheney returned to Wyoming, where he worked on & off for 6 years as an electrical worker.
"When I should have been graduating from Yale, one of the world´s finer universities, with a first-rate education, all paid for by the university, I found myself in Rock Springs working, building power lines, having been in a couple of scrapes with the law," Cheney told writer Nicholas Lemann (Letter from Washington   The Quiet Man "How Dick Cheney rose to power").   "Arrested twice within a year for driving under the influence, once in Cheyenne, once in Rock Springs … I was headed down a bad road, if I continued on that course."
Lynne, whom he had dated since high school, "made it clear she wasn´t interested in marrying a lineman for the county. That was really when I went back to school in Laramie. I buckled down and applied myself. Decided it was time to make something of myself."

Bush style gives WHouse corporate feel
3.11.01   Richard L. Berke
NYTimes

Wash.D.C.   … include the time he devotes to his job : far less than Clinton; the authority given to his vice president : Dick Cheney acts as chief operating officer; the interplay among staff members : they must follow a dress code and rules on cordiality; and the use of pollsters : they have been kept out of the Oval Office. … "This is the only bureaucracy in Washington that can change to fit the personality of the president," said Andrew Card, Bush's chief of staff, who served in the White House under Pres. Reagan & Bush pere, "This president is the first ever to have an MBA."

The recent release of Bush's budget blueprint underscores a telling difference between Bush and Clinton. By Card's estimation, Bush devoted "in the neighborhood of 5 hours" to meetings to discuss his budget proposal. By contrast, Gene Sperling, who for years was a top economic adviser to Clinton, said the former president spent at least 25 hours in official meetings assembling the budget in his first weeks in office, and 50 hours more in more casual settings. Bush left it to Cheney to preside over a small group of aides to actually draft the proposal. "There has been a sea change," said Kenneth Duberstein, who was a chief of staff for Reagan. "This is the first time in American history we've had a president and a prime minister."
  [ Where Wm Casey was the corpse's hand of WWII on R.Reagan, Cheney is Vietnam haunting GWBush. ]

… An important reason for what has been widely regarded as a smooth takeover of the govt is that Bush has surrounded himself with veterans such as Cheney & Card. Staff members are also older than those of past administrations, which is another reason for the more subdued White House.…"It's going back to a Cabinet govt," said former Sen. Daniel Patrick Moynihan, D-N.Y. …


a Hamlet   (2.2.206)  
Though this be madness, yet there is method in 't.
Will you walk out of the air, my lord?
H.   Into my grave.

H.   'Tis well: (2.2.517)
I'll have thee speak out the rest soon. Good my lord,
will you see the players well bestowed?
Do you hear, let them be well used;
They are the abstract & brief chronicles of the time:
After your death you were better have
a bad epitaph than their ill report while you live.

Polonius  
My lord, I will use them according to their dessert.

H.   God's bodykins, man, much better:
use every man after his dessert,
& who should 'scape whipping?
Use them after your own honour & dignity:
the less they deserve, the more merit is in your bounty.

The Trojan course ¹ ²
Cheney laying in wait for power?
2.11.02   Jas. Ridgeway "Mondo Wash." Village Voice

Acting outside the Constitution in the early 1980s, a secret federal agency established a line of succession to the presidency to assure continued govt in the event of a devastating nuclear attack, current and former U.S. officials said today," NYTimes reported 11.18.91 CNN reported the list grew to 17 names and incl Richard Helms, Jeane Kirkpatrick, Richard Thornberg, Edwin Meese, Tip O'Neill, and Dick Cheney, who was a GOP congressman during the 1980s.

World domination with a plastic-metal ticker
5.10.03  
Sydney Morning Herald

Cheney confirmed … stands for re-election next year, … Halliburton's prominent role in rebuilding Iraq's oil industry has become an embarrassment for an administration trying to project an image of MidEast altruism. Moreover, Mr Cheney is no natural politician. When he joined the Bush campaign, its organisers had planned some traditional meet & greet events, only to be told by his minders that "Mr Cheney does not like to shake hands".
His public speaking sometimes betrays the less huggable side of Mr Bush's "compassionate conservatism". It borders on a snarl. 2 years ago he derided environmentalism as "a personal virtue" that had no place in policymaking. He also broke the White House "no-gloating" rule after the fall of Baghdad by jeering at critics of the military strategy.

As a rule, the White House lets him loose in the media when it wants to bare its teeth. The rest of the time it keeps him out of sight. Mr Cheney more or less conceded as much when he said: "From time to time, they trot me out when it makes sense to do so. I'm sure as we get closer to the campaign, I'll be more visible."
White House spokesman Ari Fleischer confirmed Cheney signed up for 2004. … Cheney was White House chief of staff and defence secretary for the first president Bush during the 1991 Gulf War. … Legend has it that he was asleep on a fishing trip in 1994 when his executive travelling companions decided that he would make a great chief executive of Halliburton. They told him the news when he woke up.

Bush delegated much day-to-day running of govt to the VP. He was put in charge of the incoming administration's transition team, which allowed him to pick a lot of the new White House staff. In govt, he was given the job of running a taskforce to put together a long-term energy plan, a flagship program. … His chief of staff Lewis "Scooter" Libby attends deputy-level meetings with the Pentagon's Paul Wolfowitz and State Dept's Richard Armitage.
"He's the most influential vice-president in history," Mann said. … Scooter Libby is part of the deputies committee and is involved in crucial levels of decision making. His staff apparatus allows him a role in foreign policy matters & domestic policy." Cheney has become steadily more influential since 9.11.01 because, when disaster struck, he had a ready-made plan, one which has come to be known as the Bush doctrine, but which actually came in the VP's baggage.

In 1992, when Cheney was defence secretary, he asked his 2 hawkish policy aides, Wolfowitz & Libby, to draw up long-term vision for national security, known as a defence planning guidance document, which proclaimed that the world's only superpower should not be cautious about asserting its power. "Our first objective is to prevent the re-emergence of a new rival," it said, and played down the UN role in global management. "The world order is ultimately backed by the US."
The document, leaked in 1992, caused embarrassment for elder Bush and was toned down. But it has been reborn in its original extra-strength version in the younger Bush's doctrine of strategic pre-emption. The Iraq "project" was enthusiastically pushed from the moment the younger Bush came to office. Cheney had always regretted the failure to push on and take Baghdad during the 1991 Gulf War. …

An additional quality endears him to the President. He does not covet his job. That partly explains why he is so seldom seen. Vice-presidents are usually keen to be on TV because they plan a run at the top job. …

The resolute wrongness of Cheney
6.4.04   David Sarasohn
The Oregonian

The tapes released this week, with language that could melt the plastic, could actually remind you of the Nixon tapes, or music to write utility checks by. The tapes are of PGE/Enron power traders, in 2000-2001, laughing with each other about how they're manipulating supply, shutting down power plants to raise prices and generally gouging "Grandma Millie." It's a real-time account of what we've since learned to be true, that the great West Coast energy crisis of 2001 was a corporate connivance, which has now brought Enron into both bankruptcy & and criminal court.
The tapes also remind of what else we heard on the subject at the time. "We get politicians who want to go out and blame somebody and allege there is some kind of conspiracy," VP Cheney warned firmly on "Meet the Press" May 2001, "whether it's the oil companies or whoever it might be, instead of dealing with the real issues."

At the time, Cheney knew that it couldn't be the fault of the energy companies because he'd spent the entire spring meeting with them in planning the new Bush admin energy strategy, incl 6 meetings with Enron head Ken Lay. So California was just going to have to take what was coming to it, meaning a summer of blackouts, and nobody should think there would be much to gain from conservation, which Cheney sneered at as a "private virtue" that would have no effect on California's problems.
Actually, California did avoid blackouts that summer, and conservation did have something to do with it. And just a little while later, the feds discovered that there had indeed been "some kind of conspiracy." But by then, Cheney was off into other insights. The next month, according to Knight Ridder News Service, the vice president was introduced to Iraqi exile leader Ahmad Chalabi, and the two of them went off on a 2 hour walk alone together.

In a few weeks, Cheney went directly from endorsement of Ken Lay to alliance with Ahmad Chalabi. Chalabi is one of the few people having a worse time this week than the Enron power traders. Once Bush admin top candidate to run post-Saddam Iraq, Chalabi has now had his information discredited, his Baghdad offices raided, his name excluded from the new Iraqi govt, and this week Bush admin charged that he had given crucial U.S. secrets to Iran. On the other hand, he never manipulated the West Coast power market.
Still, Chalabi's situation is unfortunate news about a figure so strongly supported by Cheney. "Although Chalabi developed enemies at the CIA who disputed his intelligence data and questioned his ethics," writes Jane Mayer in the current New Yorker, "he forged a close bond with VP Dick Cheney and many of the top civilians at the Pentagon … "

For 3 years since his private walk with Cheney, Chalabi & his organization, Iraqi National Congress, have been on the U.S. payroll for $350,000 a month; INC forces were flown into Baghdad, on Cheney's orders, early in the war; and Cheney publicly cited intelligence provided by the INC as evidence of Saddam's weapons of mass destruction. CIA thinks information about U.S. that Chalabi supplied to Iran was more reliable.
People who doubted what Bush admin said about Chalabi in 2002 might question what it says about him in 2004. But by the administration's own conclusions, the vice president was twice spectacularly wrong, wrong from Enron to INC. By the friendliest interpretations, Cheney was twice flimflammed, on major national issues, by con men giving off clear signals that it was unsafe to trust them with the U.S. wallet.

Nobody thinks these major misjudgments will be a problem in this administration. Thursday, President Bush, accepting the resignation of the CIA chief who had told him that evidence of Saddam's WMDs was "a slam dunk," praised the departing official as "resolute." That's the Bush standard: not whether you were right or wrong, but that you were certain. While Dick Cheney may be repeatedly wrong, you've got to say he's resolute about it.

ex-CIA brass call for Cheney's resignation
7.17.03   Cape Times

Wash.DC   An American soldier has died in an explosion in Iraq, bringing the number of combat deaths to 147, equalling the toll in the 1991 Gulf War. … Pres. GWBush faces mounting criticism over cost of the war and accusations U.S. exaggerated intelligence about Iraq's weapons to justify the conflict.
The Pentagon has confirmed that the military expenses of the war and its aftermath have been $48 billion to date, with a monthly bill of more than $3.9 billion for the next couple of months. Senate Democrats blasted Bush for rising cost of the war and for failing, in the face of rocketing US budget deficits, to seek more intl help in rebuilding Iraq.

VP Cheney faced demands for his resignation on Tuesday when he was accused of using his office to insist that a false claim about Iraq's efforts to buy uranium from Niger be included in Bush's state of the union address, overriding the concerns of CIA dir. Tenet. Cheney was also accused of knowingly misleading congress when the administration sought its authorisation for the use of force to oust Saddam Hussein.
The allegations against Cheney have come from a number of quarters here, but most vocally from a group of senior former intelligence officials who believe information produced by the intelligence community was used selectively to support a war fought for political reasons. In an open letter to Bush, the group has asked that he demand Cheney's resignation.

There is no clear evidence proving Cheney was responsible for insisting the 16 words … be in the 1.28.03 Bush speech. But there is clear evidence of Cheney's interest in claims about a Niger deal. Former US amb. Joseph Wilson said he was asked by the CIA, following a request from the vice-president's office, to go to Niger to investigate the claim. …


Cheney exempts his own office from reporting on classified material   ¹ ² ³ º
4.29.06   Mark Silva Chicago Tribune

Wash.D.C.   As the Bush administration has dramatically accelerated the classification of information as "top secret" or "confidential," one office is refusing to report on its annual activity in classifying documents: the office of Vice President Dick Cheney.
A standing executive order, strengthened by President Bush in 2003, requires all agencies and "any other entity within the executive branch" to provide an annual accounting of their classification of documents.

More than 80 agencies have collectively reported to the National Archives that they made 15.6 million decisions in 2004 to classify information, nearly double the number in 2001, but Cheney continues to insist he is exempt.

Explaining why the vice president has withheld even a tally of his office's secrecy when such offices as the National Security Council routinely report theirs, a spokeswoman said Cheney is "not under any duty" to provide it. That is only one way the Bush administration, from its opening weeks in 2001, has asserted control over information. By keeping secret so many directives and actions, the administration has precluded the public, and often members of Congress, from knowing about some of the most significant decisions and acts of the White House.
In the 9.11.01 aftermath, the administration has based much of its need for confidentiality on the imperative of protecting national security at a time of war. Yet experts say Bush and his closest advisers demonstrated their proclivity for privacy well before Sept. 11. Starting in the early weeks of his administration with a move to protect the papers of former presidents, Bush has clamped down on the release of govt documents. That includes tougher standards for what the public can obtain under the Freedom of Information Act and the creation of a broad new category of "sensitive but unclassified information."

Not only has the administration reported a dramatic increase in the number of documents deemed "top secret," "secret" or "confidential," the president has authorized the reclassification of information that was public for years. An audit by a National Archives office recently found that the CIA acted in a "clearly inappropriate" way regarding about one-third of the documents it reclassified last year.
The White House has resisted efforts by Congress to gain information, starting with a White House energy task force headed by Cheney and continuing with the president's secret authorization of warrantless surveillance of people inside U.S. suspected of communicating with terrorists abroad. Sen. Arlen Specter R-PA recently threatened to withhold funding for the surveillance program unless the White House starts providing information.

The administration has withheld the identities of, and accusations against, detainees held in its war on terror, and it censored findings of a joint House-Senate committee that investigated events leading to 9.11.01, incl a 27-page blackout of Saudi Arabia's alleged connections to the terrorists.
While maintaining a disciplined and virtually leakproof White House, senior administration members have been accused of leaking information to punish a critic of the war in Iraq. The grand jury testimony of a former White House aide reportedly asserts that Bush himself selectively authorized release of once-classified information to counter criticism.

Tension always existed between the presidency and the public, with concerns about security and confidentiality competing with the public's right to know about its govt. But the balance seems to be tipping toward secrecy in a more pronounced way than at any time in the past 3 decades.
"Our democratic principles require that the American people be informed of the activities of their govt," Bush said in his executive order on classified information. "Nevertheless, throughout our history, the national defense has required certain information be maintained in confidence in order to protect our citizens."
Bush and Cheney have made it clear they are intent on reclaiming presidential powers lost by Bush predecessors. That erosion of power started with Richard Nixon's losing fight over the privacy of his papers after the Watergate scandal and continued through Bill Clinton's impeachment.

"This is a presidency in which, from the start, there were important forces to accentuate the executive prerogative, and all of that became more important after 9.11.01," said Princeton University prof. emeritus of politics Fred Greenstein, author of "The Presidential Difference: Leadership Style from FDR to George W. Bush."
White House spokeswoman Dana Perino maintains that the White House has "struck the right balance" between national security and openness. "We need to ensure that national security information is properly classified and protected," Perino said. "We endeavor to make as much information available to the public as possible. … We are accountable to the American people. The president doesn't want it any other way."

But to some, the administration's penchant for secrecy has curtailed crucial public debate.
"It determines the character of our political system," said Project on Govt Secrecy dir. Steven Aftergood at the Federation of American Scientists. "Is it a political process that is open to wide-ranging debate, or is it more like a closed circle of elite decision-makers? I think we've learned, often to our disappointment, that it's the latter."
To others, the insistence that information considered important be kept confidential is part of the Bush White House's insistence on discipline and order. "I really think they think of it in terms of good governance," said conservative think tank Heritage Foundation sr fellow for national security and homeland security James Carafano. "It's a very corporate style of leadership."

Bush has a partner, some say mentor, in Cheney, who from the start resisted all efforts to disclose the inner workings of a task force devising the administration's energy policy. He defeated an unprecedented lawsuit by the Government Accountability Office, the investigative arm of Congress, to unveil that task force and carried his fight successfully to the Supreme Court.
As the administration has sealed an increasing number of documents as secret or sensitive, and cut the number of documents being declassified each year, the refusal of Cheney's office to report on the number of its decisions stands out. A directive from the National Archives, acting under the authority of the executive order bolstered by Bush in March 2003, requires all agencies and executive branch units to report annually on their classification and declassification of files. Cheney's office maintains that its dual executive and legislative duties make it unique, as the vice president also serves as president of the Senate.

"This matter has been carefully reviewed," said spokeswoman Lea Anne McBride. "It has been determined that the reporting requirement does not apply to the office of the vice president."
To many, the administration's acts are part of a broader campaign to boost the powers of the presidency.
"It's pretty clear that there were certain players in the administration, including the vice president, who felt that the executive branch had not fully exerted all of its constitutional authorities," said U.S. comptroller general David Walker.
Walker, as head of the GAO, filed that office's only lawsuit against a govt agency in April 2002 as it sought to open the records of Cheney's energy task force. A federal judge dismissed the suit as a struggle between the executive and legislative branches that courts were not empowered to adjudicate.

The White House, in asserting a more powerful executive office, believed "that some of its authorities and privileges had eroded through the years and wanted to redraw that line," Walker said. "We just happened to be one of many situations that they chose to try to test."
Organizations including the Sierra Club also carried the fight to the Supreme Court, which in 2004 voted 7-2 to uphold "a paramount necessity of protecting the executive branch from vexatious litigation" and returned the case to an appeals court, which last year ruled in favor of the White House.

The administration started asserting its power over paper soon after Bush's inauguration by placing a hold on the release of the records of former presidents, beginning with the papers of Ronald Reagan's presidency, and later issuing an executive order granting past presidents a veto over releases.
The Presidential Records Act of 1978, enacted in response to Watergate-era court battles over Nixon's papers, had placed a hold on release of "confidential communications … between the president and his advisers" for 12 years after the conclusion of a presidency. The order Bush issued in 2001 enabled former presidents, or their representatives if the president has died, to screen any request for records and withhold ones considered "privileged." It gave the same authority to vice presidents.

Before the end of its first year, the administration also reversed a long-standing policy on how agencies respond to public requests for records under the Freedom of Information Act. Clinton attorney general Janet Reno had insisted on "a presumption of disclosure."
Bush's first attorney general John Ashcroft argued that "no leader can operate effectively without confidential advice and counsel,", and implored all agencies to disclose information requested by the public "only after full and deliberate consideration … of the privacy interests that could be implicated."

Administration policy stated by Ashcroft in 10.12.01 memo, had been in the drafting for months. After 9.11.01, amid growing concern about information that terrorists might obtain from the govt, then-Bush Chief of Staff Andrew Card issued an order in March 2002 demanding that any "Sensitive but Unclassified Information" related to homeland security be released only after careful consideration "on a case-by-case basis."
That has led to a proliferation of documents stamped "Sensitive but Unclassified" or simply "For Office Use Only," according to experts who track govt record-keeping.

The Bush administration is "objectively more secretive" than its recent predecessors, Aftergood said. "Anyone who calls or writes a govt agency for information encounters barriers that were just not there a decade ago," he said. "The govt is undergoing a mutation in which we are gradually shifting into another kind of govt in which executive authority is supreme and significantly unchecked."

Mideast conflict dominates Cheney talks
VP travels to Israel Monday; Iraq issue overshadowed
3.17.02   MSNBC

VP Cheney is due to arrive in Israel Monday, part of 11 nation MidEast tour. His agenda there will focus on the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, overshadowing his original motivation for the regional trip to drum up support for U.S. efforts to drive Iraq's Saddam Hussein from power. Cheney is to meet with U.S. special envoy Anthony Zinni, who is trying to end 18 months of Palestinian-Israeli fighting to pave the way for the resumption of peace talks. Speaking from Bahrain on Sunday, the vice president said he hoped for a cease-fire between Palestinians & Israelis by the time of his arrival on Monday.
"General Zinni is the one who is sort of on the firing line, in the midst of the efforts to negotiate a cease-fire ... and I hope he will have something positive to report by the time I arrive," he told a Bahrain news conference with Crown Prince Salman bin Hamad al-Khalifa. Cheney is in the region to seek support for stopping Saddam Hussein, who the U.S. says is on a mission to amass weapons of mass destruction. But Cheney admitted that the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, and a Saudi proposal to bring peace to the region, had dominated his talks with Arab leaders.

"There is no question that the ongoing conflict between Israelis & Palestinians is a preoccupation for everybody in this part of the world," the vp said Sunday before leaving Bahrain for the neighboring Gulf state of Qatar. The notion of a possible U.S. military strike has been rejected in nearly every country Cheney has visited so far, Jordan, Egypt, Yemen, Oman, and now the United Arab Emerites and Saudi Arabia. One exception was Bahrain's Crown Prince Salman bin Hamad al-Khalifa, who did not oppose the concept of striking Iraq & Saddam Hussein. Al-Khalifa urged Iraq to comply with the U.N. sanctions to avoid "potential harm" to the region.
However, the crown prince told a press conference that the Israel-Palestinian conflict, and not Baghdad's longstanding dispute with the West, was the real threat to stability in the region. "The perception of threat in the Arab world really focuses around that issue. We are preoccupied by it," he explained. The vice president traveled to Bahrain's neighboring Gulf state of Qatar, where he met with Bahrain's king, Sheik Hamad bin Isa Al-Khalifa. He also visited the headquarters of the U.S. Navy's 5th Fleet, whose servicemen are involved in the war on Afghanistan and thanked them for their anti-terror efforts.

Saudi Arabia was perhaps the most diplomatically significant and challenging stop on Cheney's tour. VP said Sunday that his meeting with Saudi Arabia's Crown Prince Abdullah a day earlier was one of the warmest they have ever had. While they discussed the war on terrorism and possible U.S. action against Iraq, the Israel- Palestinian conflict dominated the conversation, and Cheney conveyed support for a Saudi-led peace initiative for the region. The peace proposal offers Arab normalization of relations with Israel, in return for Israeli withdrawal from lands captured in the 1967 Middle East war. "We think it's a good one," said Cheney of the proposal, which he said gave some impetus to the peace process. Abdullah has said that most Arab states agree with his initiative, which he intends to propose formally at an Arab summit this month in Beirut. Cheney invited the kingdom's de facto ruler to visit Washington, and the official Saudi Press Agency said Prince Abdullah had accepted the offer, 9 months after he snubbed a similar invitation over perceived U.S. bias towards Israel.

The American public's suspicion that Saudis hadn't cracked down on fund-raising for Islamic extremists was a source of tension after 9.11.01. Of the 19 hijackers, 15 were Saudis. Abdullah reportedly told Cheney that Saudi Arabia remains opposed to attacking Iraq and would not allow the U.S. to use Saudi bases for such an operation. However, the vice president would not disclose what Abdullah said and suggested that news accounts of their meeting may have been misleading. "The only people in the meeting were the crown prince and myself and an interpreter and I have his notes," Cheney said. The vice president insisted that his meeting with the Saudi leader was "very warm and friendly." The Saudi rejection was expected and telegraphed well in advance. But the meeting was significant because of the importance U.S. places on the role of Saudi Arabia in the region. The Bush administration believes a close working relationship with the Saudis is central to anything America hopes to achieve in the troubled Islamic world.


Cheney took in $178,437 from Halliburton in 2003
4.13.04  
Reuters

Wash.D.C. VP Cheney received $178,437 in deferred pay last year from Texas oil-field services co. Halliburton he once headed that received billion-dollar govt contracts in Iraq. White House 4.13.04 released 2003 income tax returns for Cheney & wife Lynne and Pres. Shrub & wife, Laura.
Cheney's office said the income from Halliburton was in no way linked to the financial health of the co., a subsidiary of which is under investigation for possibly overcharging the U.S military for fuel supplies in Iraq. Shrubs' taxable income was virtually unchanged from 2002. It was reported at $727,083, after deductions of $95,043. Their income included his salary earned as president, $397,264, and investment income from the trusts in which their assets are held.

Shrubs reported paying a total of $227,490 in federal income taxes. They contributed $68,360 to churches & charitable organizations. Cheneys reported taxable income of $813,226 in 2003. They paid $258,779 in taxes in withholding and estimated tax payments, but only owed $253,067 and thus were eligible for a $5,712 refund but decided to apply that to their 2004 taxes. Cheney reported $198,600 in vice-presidential salary for the year.
The Cheneys donated $321,141 to charity in 2003, primarily from donations of Mrs. Cheney's royalties from the publisher Simon & Schuster on her books, "America: A Patriotic Primer," and "A is for Abigail," and her forthcoming book "Fifty States."
In addition, his tax return reported the payment of $178,437 in deferred compensation from Halliburton Co. The deferred pay is based on a 1998 agreement in which Cheney elected to defer compensation earned in 1999 for his services as chief executive officer of Halliburton. This amount is to be paid in annual installments, with interest, over 5 years after Cheney's retirement from Halliburton.

Cheney has taken some criticism from Democrats for his connection to Halliburton, which is the U.S. military's biggest contractor in Iraq, responsible for everything from preparing meals for U.S. troops to repairing Iraq's oil infrastructure. The co. has been a lightning rod for criticism during this presidential election year due to allegations it received lucrative contracts because of its ties to the White House.
Both Halliburton & White House strongly denied the charges, and Halliburton has said it had operated legally under its Iraq contracts. A statement from the vice president's office said Cheney's decision to defer income from Halliburton became "final & unalterable before Mr. Cheney left Halliburton. The amount of deferred compensation received by the vice president is fixed and is not affected by Halliburton's economic performance or earnings in any way," the statement said.

Halliburton's Iraq deals described as contract abuse
6.27.05   Sue Pleming
Reuters

A top U.S. Army procurement official said on Monday Halliburton's deals in Iraq were the worst example of contract abuse she had seen as Pentagon auditors flagged over $1 billion of potential overcharges by the Texas-based firm. Bunny Greenhouse, the Army Corps of Engineers' top contracting official-turned whistle-blower, said in testimony at a hearing by Democrats on Capitol Hill that "every aspect" of Halliburton's oil contract in Iraq had been under the control of the Office of the Secretary of Defense.
"I can unequivocally state that the abuse related to contracts awarded to KBR (Kellogg Brown and Root) represents the most blatant and improper contract abuse I have witnessed during the course of my professional career," said Greenhouse, a procurement veteran of more than 20 years.

Her blistering criticism came as Democrats released a new report including Pentagon audits that identified more than $1.03 billion in "questioned" costs and $422 million in "unsupported" costs for Halliburton's work in Iraq. Defense Dept spokeswoman Lt. Col Rose-Ann Lynch said the Pentagon had received the report but had not had a chance yet to fully review it.
"The department is committed to an integrated, well-managed contracting process in Iraq," said Lynch, adding that just because costs were questioned by auditors this did not mean a company had overcharged the military.

Halliburton's subsidiary KBR is the U.S. military's biggest contractor in Iraq and has been accused by Democrats of getting lucrative work there because of its ties to Vice President Dick Cheney who headed Halliburton company from 1995-2000.
Pressed by lawmakers whether she thought the defense secretary's office was involved in the handout and running of contracts to KBR, Greenhouse replied: "That is true."
"I observed, first hand, that essentially every aspect of the RIO (Restore Iraqi Oil) contract remained under the control of the Office of the Secretary of Defense. This troubled me and was wrong," said Greenhouse.

Halliburton issued a statement strongly rejecting comments by Greenhouse and others at the hearing, including a former KBR employee who accused the company of overcharging for food services provided to troops under a logistics deal.
"The only thing that's been inflated is the political rhetoric which is mostly a rehash of last year's elections," spokeswoman Cathy Mann said of the hearing.

Regarding claims of political influence because of Cheney, Mann said it was easier to "assign devious motives than to take the time to learn the truth."
Both the Pentagon and the Corps, which was in charge of a sole-source oil contract given to KBR in Iraq, have denied any special treatment for KBR. The Corps did not immediately respond to questions.
Democrats called for an urgent hearing and an investigation into what they called contracting abuses involving KBR.
"This testimony doesn't just call for Congressional oversight, it screams for it," said Sen. Byron Dorgan D-ND.

What concerned Greenhouse most was that the oil contract, which had a top value of $7 billion, was given to KBR without competitive bidding. She irked her bosses by writing her concerns by hand in official documents but said these were overlooked.
In one instance, she said Army Corps officials bypassed getting her signature to grant a waiver for KBR to be relieved of its obligation to provide cost and pricing data for bringing fuel into Iraq. That waiver was granted after a draft Army audit said KBR may have overcharged the military by at least $61 million to bring in fuel to Iraq to ease a shortage of refined oil.

Greenhouse acknowledged she had become a thorn in the side of the Army Corps and said she had been advised not to attend the hearing because of its partisan nature.
Rory Mayberry, a former food production manager at a U.S. military base for KBR from February-April 2004, said the company charged for meals it did not serve to troops and had dished up spoiled food.
KBR's Mann dismissed his taped testimony and said issues regarding billing over food services had been resolved.

  Cheney oil firm had greater Iraq dealings
  6.23.01  
Reuters   treasonable profiteering

Wash.D.C.   The oilfield services co. Dick Cheney headed before he became U.S. vice president had far more extensive financial dealings with Iraq than Cheney has acknowledged, Wash.Post reported Saturday. Citing U.N. records & oil industry executives, the newspaper said 2 subsidiaries of Halliburton Co. had contracts to sell $73 million dollars in oil production equipt & spare parts to Iraq while Cheney was chair & CEO of the Dallas-based co. The newspaper said, according to U.N. records, the subsidiaries, Dresser-Rand and Ingersoll Dresser Pump Co., sold material to Baghdad through French affiliates from the first half of 1997 to the summer of 2000. Cheney resigned as Halliburton chair in August.
Halliburton's dealings with Iraq were first reported last year. But the Post said U.N. records it recently obtained show the business was more extensive than originally reported or acknowledged by the vice president. Cheney's spokeswoman, Juleanna Glover Weiss, said the two companies were joint ventures operated by Dresser at the time it was taken over by Halliburton, and Halliburton sold the units "as soon as it was legally feasible." "The vice president never wanted any companies under his control to do business with Iraq, even if that business was allowed under the oil-for-food program," Weiss told Reuters.

"Halliburton divested itself as soon as it was legally feasible," she said, adding that the contracts themselves were "perfectly legal and within the law." Mary Matalin, Cheney's counselor, was quoted by the Post as saying that if he "was ever in a conversation or meeting where there was a question of pursuing a project with someone in Iraq, he said, 'No.' "
"In a joint venture, he would not have reviewed all their existing contracts," Matalin said. "The nature of those joint ventures was that they had a separate governing structure, so he had no control over them." During the presidential campaign, Cheney said he had imposed a "firm policy" at Halliburton against trading with Iraq. The Post said Cheney has offered contradictory accounts of how much he knew about Halliburton's dealings with Iraq.

Former executives at the Halliburton subsidiaries told the Post they had never heard objections, from Cheney or any other company official, to trading with Baghdad. "Halliburton & Ingersoll-Rand, as far as I know, had no official policy about that, other than we would be in compliance with applicable U.S. & international laws," former Ingersoll executive Cleive Dumas was quoted as saying.
Dumas oversaw Ingersoll Dresser Pump's business in the Middle East, including Iraq. Such trade did not violate U.S. law as long as it occurred within the 1996 U.N.-supervised program that permits Iraq to export oil to pay for food, medicine and humanitarian goods. In 1998, the oil-for-food program was expanded to allow Baghdad to import spare parts for its oil facilities. Cheney has pushed for a review of U.S. policy toward countries such as Iraq, Iran and Libya, arguing that unilateral sanctions penalize American companies.

Dirty Dick Cheney & Genocide Inc.   We would have preferred to have merely linked to this article but have found The Nation removes stories vital to the public interest from clear access via the Net after some amount of time. Therefore we archive this one in full.

Tricky Dick
8.21.00   Doug Ireland The Nation

When Dubya picked Dick Cheney as his running mate, the little screen was awash in flatulent flatteries from the chattering classes: "a grown-up," "presidential," "all steak and no sizzle" were some of the most-repeated encomiums sprayed in Cheney's direction. But after Gore surrogates fanned out across the blabshows armed with talking points about Cheney's reactionary voting record in Congress: against Head Start, school lunches, the liberation from prison of Nelson Mandela, the toxic waste cleanup Superfund and the like, Jay Leno cracked to his late-night audience that Bush/Cheney was "the Wizard of Oz ticket: One has no brain, the other has no heart."

When that equal-opportunity war criminal Colin Powell ." (the man who helped cover up the My Lai massacre) delivered his prime-time benediction of Cheney to the Philadelphia Republicans, among those chuckling at the enormous hypocrisy of Powell's effusive blessing was Leon Sigal, a former member of the New York Times editorial board. Sigal's forthcoming book, Hang Separately: Cooperative Security Between U.S. & Russia, 1985-1994, details how Cheney, as Defense Secretary, remained a hard-line cold warrior even after the fall of the Berlin wall and fought Powell's proposed cuts in military spending & U.S. troops abroad.
"Cheney was very skeptical of Gorbachev and kept up his cold war attitude long after Powell and [President] Bush had changed," Sigal told me. "Powell thought nukes were useless. In 1990, Powell wanted to pull all the nukes off surface ships and out of Europe and Korea, but Cheney opposed it. Bush was about to do it in August of '90 when Kuwait was invaded. A year later, Powell pushed the proposal again, and Cheney again opposed it." The pullback was finally announced in September 1991.
Cheney's ostrichlike refusal to admit that the world had changed meant "keeping the defense budget higher than the substantial cuts Powell wanted," says Sigal, "and keeping conventional forces in Europe at a higher level. … Cheney was very conservative in the sense he didn't want to move; Powell says this in his memoirs. President Bush, in the book he wrote with Brent Scowcroft, A World Transformed, also says Cheney resisted deeper cuts."

To take just one example, on pg 452 of his memoirs, Powell describes his battle against the "foolish" attempt to produce an improved nuclear artillery shell. "I was becoming more and more convinced that tactical nuclear weapons had no place on a battlefield," Powell writes. "At a time when we were dismantling huge intermediate- range nuclear missiles, why should we be putting money into refining small tactical nukes of questionable value?
My argument ran into a stone wall. … Hard-line Pentagon civilian policymakers opposed me, including Dick Cheney."
The national press has been telling us what a "great manager" Cheney was at DoD. But for whom? Cheney showed a particular indulgence for military-industrial-complex contractors headed by political cronies. Under his predecessor, Reagan Defense Secretary Frank Carlucci, the Pentagon had developed an advance procurement system, stretching forward two decades, with no-bid contracts awarded for a raft of weapons and intelligence systems. On leaving govt, Carlucci joined the Carlyle Group ¹, a prime military contractor, bringing with him knowledge of which firms would get those contracts. Carlyle then began buying them up, and made a bundle when the Pentagon bucks began flowing their way, later selling many of them at a huge profit.

Says a high-ranking military officer (now retired) who has an intimate knowledge of those deals but would only speak with a guarantee of anonymity, "These contracts were let with no normal safeguards or protections to insure that the govt got what it paid for," on Cheney's watch. "We have been paying through the nose for a long time for those contracts," for everything from arms-control-treaty hardware and software systems to the J- STARS system, which monitors on-the-ground movement of vehicles and personnel and was extensively used in Desert Storm & Kosovo.
Cheney, he says, could have reviewed or canceled these contracts at any time but refused to do so. "Why," he asks, "are we letting contracts for multiyear procurement framed in a way that all the risk is being taken by the govt and not by the people who got these wonderful contracts? Even if we had to pay a contractual penalty on some of them, don't you think it would have made sense to at least review them? It would take some real forensic accounting to figure out how much more these deals cost the taxpayers than they should have. And this was not just Carlyle exclusively, the joy was spread around. It's a damned odd way of doing business." Undoubtedly, one reason Cheney was so indulgent of folks like Carlucci who cashed in on their govt service (Jas. Baker & Dick Darman are now also on Carlyle payroll) is that he planned to do the same thing himself. When Cheney became Halliburton CEO in 1995, the energy conglomerate did only a third of its business abroad. Building on the relationships he knitted at Defense, particularly during the Gulf War, Cheney has aggressively expanded Halliburton's foreign operations to more than 70% of its $14.9 billion annual business, boosting the company's stock value more than 100%.
Cheney nearly tripled Halliburton's spending on federal lobbying (not counting the millions it has ladled out to a host of conservative business and trade associations). No surprise, then, that with Cheney in charge Halliburton has doubled its govt contracts, to $2.3 billion. The company's latest annual report lists its Brown & Root Services Division's "2 largest customers" as US Defense Dept & British Defense Ministry.

Halliburton has also raked in $1.5 billion in US govt loans from the Export-Import Bank & Overseas Private Investment Corporation, up from $100 million in such loans before Cheney took over. That's a lot of "compassion" for these phony fiscal conservatives, and it explains why the Center for Public Integrity has branded Cheney's company a "corporate-welfare hog."

Cheney has made several fortunes from his helmsmanship at Halliburton: According to Reuters, he was paid nearly $2 million in compensation in 1999 (down from $4.4 million the previous year) and given stock options worth from $7.4 million to $18.8 million (depending on the stock's future performance). This is on top of the $45.5 million in stock that Cheney owns as the company's largest shareholder, plus another $12.5 million in exercisable stock options.
Given this accumulated lucre, Cheney's recent wailings about the financial hardship he would endure as a mere Vice President should leave few of us weeping. Cheney has not been chary about doing business with some of the world's most despotic oligarchies and corrupt dictatorships. Poppy helped him gin up clients: When Bush père went to Riyadh in March 1996 to receive a medal from Saudi Arabia's King Fahd, Cheney went along for the ride, and was included by the elder Bush in his meetings with the Saudi Defense Minister "to discuss issues of common interest," as a Saudi Embassy press release delicately put it.

These tyrants include not only the Saudis and the gaudy Gulf emirs (one of Halliburton's 5 intl offices is in Dubai) but also the sanguineous regimes in Syria, Turkmenistan, Burma and Algeria. With one notable exception, Larry Kaplan's dissection of Halliburton's dirty dealings with Heydar Aliyev's brutal Azerbaijani dictatorship in the August 8 New Republic, the press has largely ignored the Cheney-run company's squalid relations with these regimes, where bribery-to-do-business is the rule.
Oil-industry sources say that one way oil-related giants like Halliburton get around the US Foreign Corrupt Practices Act is by giving sizable gifts to the private foundations run by these ruling elites, which makes the ultimate destination of this laundered money nearly impossible to trace.

Bahrain's prince echoed a view Cheney has heard repeatedly during his tour. "We are preoccupied by it [the Palestinian-Israeli conflict] deeply so. "Reaching a just settlement for both sides has never been more important because it holds up and it precludes and it confuses all of the other issues ... specifically weapons of mass destruction, which we feel as strongly as U.S. does about it," he said.
A sr U.S. official said the vice president had left open his schedule for a possible meeting with a Palestinian delegation, but no firm plans had been made. Cheney denied on Sunday he was in the region "to organize a military adventure with respect to Iraq," and dismissed as a "speculative bubble" the issue of whether Washington would use military force. He said no decision had yet been made by Bush on what to do about Iraq and its leader.
The real question, he said, was why Saddam Hussein was not following U.N. resolutions and continued to refuse to allow international weapons inspectors into his country.

In Nigeria, environmental groups have accused Halliburton under Cheney of murder. According to Oronto Douglas, a respected leader of an indigenous minority who heads Nigeria's Environmental Rights Action, an unarmed youth named Gidikumo Sule was killed by the Mobile Police in July 1997 in the course of a protest that involved the seizure of a Halliburton barge at Opuama, a village in the Niger delta.
Halliburton is a major subcontractor of Chevron in Nigeria; their dumping of poisonous chemicals into the water during drilling operations has poisoned the water supply. The Opuama protesters were also denouncing Halliburton's failure to keep its promises to employ local youths.

Says the ERA's Douglas, "The Mobile Police are paid for by the oil companies, both under the military dictatorship of General Abacha we had then and the civilian dictatorship we have now, and deploying them is always done at the oil companies' request. We call them the 'Kill and Go' squads, because they can kill and go away with no questions asked.
At Opuama, the order to open fire was given by Halliburton officials. Their lives were not threatened, these protests always involve nothing more lethal than placards, song and chants."
Douglas says he is also investigating more recent incidents, in which Halliburton officials ordered what he calls "brutal repression" of peaceful protesters near Warri and Gbaruamata; 4 people were seriously injured. (Halliburton did not respond to a request for comment.)
All of this suggests that Cheney's past is not yet a dry well.


Deal delayed in Halliburton case
12.13.02   Matthew Goldstein The Street.com

There will be no deal Friday between Halliburton and the thousands of individuals who've filed asbestos-related claims against the big oil-services co. Speculation was rife that a deal to resolve more than 300,000 pending claims would be announced at a bankruptcy court hearing. But the hearing, at Halliburton's request, was postponed to next Wednesday to give the co. & trial lawyers more time to negotiate. Shares of Halliburton were largely unchanged on the news of the delay. The stock was recently down 25 cents, or 1.25%, to $19.75. A year ago, the co. stock fell as low as $12 a share after a jury ordered the co. to pay $30 million in damages in an asbestos case.
The rough parameters of the deal are well known and have been confirmed by Halliburton and some of the trial lawyers. Among other things, a $4 billion trust would be set up to pay the claims, with Halliburton contributing $2.8 billion in cash and 60 million shares of co. stock.

It's not known exactly what's causing the delay, but the deal is complex and might require Halliburton putting its engineering & construction units into a prepackaged bankruptcy proceeding. The deal, however, would enable Dallas-based Halliburton to avoid filing for bankruptcy and resolve a thorny litigation issue that has been a major drag on its stock.
One potential stumbling block in the negotiations could be a potential split in the ranks of the trial lawyers bringing the suits against the co.. Most of the pending claims against the co. have been filed by former employees of Halliburton's Harbison-Walker unit, who have not yet developed any symptoms of asbestos-related cancer but fear they might in the future. And it's lawyers for that group of litigants who have been leading the negotiations with the co.

But lawyers who represent a smaller group of people who already have contracted mesothelioma, a particularly deadly form of asbestos-related cancer, are not happy with the direction of the negotiations. One of those lawyers, Peter Kraus, said he's pulled out of the negotiations and is considering opposing the settlement unless it provides better payment for his clients. He said the deal being discussed now is substantially different than a more generous plan that was being discussed during the summer.

Any deal would have to approved by the judge overseeing the Harbison-Walker bankruptcy proceeding and it could be subject to challenge by individuals who object to the terms. Halliburton's asbestos headaches are a leftover curse from the days when VP Cheney was at the helm.
At one time, Cheney's ability to steer a Halliburton merger with Dresser Industries was considered the high point of his career. But since then, Dresser has become something of an albatross, carrying with it huge asbestos-liability exposure from Harbison-Walker.

It's in Halliburton's interest to reach a deal with the plaintiffs because its insurers will be responsible for much of the cash payout. It's not known which property and casualty firms issued coverage to Halliburton. But commercial insurers such as, American Intl Group and Travelers Property & Casualty, previously have reported having potential exposure to asbestos cases against their corporate customers.
However, insurance experts say a settlement in the Halliburton cases probably will have little impact on the earnings of the insurers that are forced to fund the trust. That's because many of the insurers have been building up their reserves to pay for the claims.
"This is not new news to any of the insurers,'' said Sanford Bernstein insurance analyst Todd Bault. "They have been involved in the negotiations. Settlements like these are expected.''

The potential deal in the Halliburton cases, meanwhile, comes at a time that other companies are looking to settle other asbestos cases. Earlier this week, Honeywell reported it is close to deal that would resolve some 190,000 spending claims.

    National Security Council
Bush picks Elliott Abrams for top job
6.28.01   Reuters

Wash.D.C.   President Bush on Thursday named Elliott Abrams, who was involved in the Iran- contra scandal during Ronald Reagan's presidency, to a senior position at the White House National Security Council. National Security Adviser Condoleezza Rice announced that Abrams had been appointed to the position of senior director for democracy, human rights and international operations. The position does not require Senate confirmation. In 1991, Abrams pleaded guilty to two misdemeanor charges of withholding information from Congress related to the Reagan administration's secret scheme to sell arms to Iran and use the proceeds to fund the Contra rebels fighting Nicaragua's leftist govt. He received a pardon from the president's father, the then President George Bush.
Abrams admitted that he withheld from the Senate Foreign Relations Committee and the House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence in October 1986 his knowledge of Lt. Col. Oliver North's Contra-assistance activities. "I consider this one of the most bizarre appointments imaginable," said Larry Birns, director of the Council on Hemispheric Affairs, an independent policy research organization. The White House said Bush had confidence in Abrams. "Mr. Abrams is eminently qualified for his new position. He is the best person for the job," said White House spokesman Sean McCormack. The appointment followed Bush's nomination of two controversial conservatives to work on Latin American policy.

One of those was Cuban-born conservative Otto Reich, Bush's nominee to head Latin American policy at the State Dept as assistant secretary of state for Western Hemisphere affairs. Reich, a controversial member of the Cuban- American exile lobby, ran the Reagan administration's Office of Public Diplomacy from 1983 to 1986. The office was accused of using illegal means to promote public support for the Nicaraguan Contra rebels. Democratic senators have vowed to oppose the appointment of Reich, a corporate lobbyist for rum producer Bacardi who favors tightening the U.S. trade embargo on Cuba. Bush picked Roger Noriega, an aide to Sen. Jesse Helms R- NC, as U.S. ambassador to the Organization of American States, the hemispheric forum of 34 nations. Bush has made a point of emphasizing the importance of good North-South relations. Birns said the selections represented "a very dangerous trend for the future of U.S.-Latin American relations" at a time of rising nationalism in the region. "It clearly is a very provocative move," he said.

GWBush reorganizes NSC

GWBush's … first National Security Presidential Directive NSPD-1 … preserves NSC Principals Committee & NSC Deputies Committee, top-level interagency forums for deliberation on national security policy. It abolishes Pres.Clinton's system of Interagency Working Groups. To replace them, the Directive establishes 11 Policy Coordination Committees (PCCs) on topics incl Proliferation, Counterproliferation & Homeland Defense; Intelligence & Counterintelligence; Counter-Terrorism & National Preparedness; and Records Access & Information Security. … As a consequence of the new Directive, much of the Clinton Administration's prodigious security policy apparatus will be swept away, though portions of it will be reconstituted within the new Policy Coordination Committee framework. Thus, the functions of the Security Policy Board will be distributed among the new PCCs. The new series of National Security Presidential Directives will replace both presidential decision directives & presidential review directives of past Administrations. Although NSPD-1 is unclassified, the Bush Administration has declined to release it. But a copy of the seven page directive obtained from a public-spirited source is posted here.

Cheney's hiding in a cave, too -- in Penn. ¹
12.20.01   D.B. Roddy Scripps Howard News Service

Waynesboro, PA   3 hours after Osama bin Laden turned the Pentagon into a disaster area, 5 helicopters touched down a few hundred yards from Hal Neill's house at the base of Raven Rock Mountain along the Pennsylvania-Maryland border. Within minutes, a convoy of SUVs with black-tinted windows zoomed up Harbaugh Valley Rd, turned left, and deposited the weight of the free world inside Site R, the inexplicably named city-in-a-mountain from which the Pentagon has operated and, from all indications VP Cheney has directed his office since 9.11.01. Site R, with 6 stories of underground offices, subterranean water reservoir, and banks of antennas, dishes and massive, steel doors, has been a designated backup command center since it was hewn out of the mountain in 1951. For decades, Site R's presence was a village secret, barely acknowledged to outsiders and attracting little outside interest in turn.

''There are 4 entrances, but I've only ever been able to find 3 of them,'' said Neill, as he stood in his back yard, looking over at the guard station next to 2 oversize metal doors in the hillside. 6 military men in sweatsuits jogged their way down the driveway and back up again. ''They weren't doing that before the attacks,'' Neill said. ''Now they're working out.'' The tidy equilibrium of rural life has been upended. ''Day & night, you hear the airplanes,'' said Bonnie Wolfe, whose model railroad shop sits below the flight path of the military jets & helicopters that intermittently pass by, usually unseen, inevitably heard.


Condee
click pic for true identity
Summit of the Americas
4.12.01 Quebec   more A20

… OAS Multilateral Evaluation Mechanism (MEM)
( Roni Bowers )

Bush's secret weapon
3.20.00   S.Kettmann Salon

… Russia expert & former Stanford Univ. provost, went to work in the White House in 1989 as National Security Council dir. of Soviet & East European Affairs, and stayed until March 1991. … Former Pres. Bush could not have been more flattering in introducing Rice to Mikhail Gorbachev in Dec. 1989. "This is Condoleezza Rice," he said. "She tells me everything I know about the Soviet Union." Rice is indeed tight with the governor. A report released last week listing the names of overnight guests at the governor's mansion showed Rice to be one of the most frequent visitors. In a recent phone interview, Rice recalled her rise to political renown. Born in Birmingham AL in 1954; since both parents were teachers, education was major theme of her youth. So was faith. Her father, John Rice, was an ordained Presbyterian minister, as well as dean of Stillman College in Tuscaloosa, and later vice chancellor of the Univ. of Denver. He was also a Republican who influenced the political thinking of his daughter, who calls herself an "all-over-the- map Republican." Rice considers herself "very conservative" on foreign policy but "almost shockingly libertarian" or "moderate" on some issues.

A gifted student who skipped 2 grades [ = unsocialized ], Rice enrolled at Univ. of Denver when she was 15 and graduated when she was 19. She gave up on a career as a pianist midway through, and eventually wound up under former Czech diplomat Josef Korbel, Madeleine Albright's father. … but emerged with views much more in line with Korbel's than Albright's. "I am a realist," she told National Review. "Power matters. But there can be no absence of moral content in American foreign policy, and, furthermore, the American people wouldn't accept such an absence. Europeans giggle at this and say we're naive, but we're not Europeans, we're Americans and we have different principles."
  [ Not likely she learned American principles from a Czech diplomat ]

… "She doesn't seem to try to push herself forward in any particular way," former Sec.State Geo.Shultz told Time magazine last year. "But she has such a level of capability ... that she winds up getting asked to do all sorts of things." … (The name, by the way, came from her mother, like Rice a pianist, who made a variation on the musical direction con dolcezza, or "with sweetness.") … she did in naming Harry Truman her man of the century to Time. He "somehow made sense of what America's role in the world ought to be under the most difficult of circumstances, when it would have been easy for U.S. to withdraw," she said. "I look to the people of that era in amazement and wonderment at what they were able to do."
  [ He also signed the executive order that created the NatSec state ]

She first came to Stanford in 1981 as arms control & disarmament pgm fellow after earning master's from Notre Dame and doctorate from Univ. of Denver grad school of intl studies. Her Stanford mentor, Coit Blacker, Stanford's Inst. for Intl Studies deputy director, described what intrigued her academic colleagues about her. " … charm & very gracious personality," He said Rice possesses "intellectual agility mixed with velvet-glove forcefulness."
Rice received several offers to become a university president, a natural step after her successful run as #2 Stanford official. Instead she responded to an appeal that came in a quintessentially Bush-family setting.

In 1998 she had her first serious talk with the governor while visiting the family in Kennebunkport. The Bushes invited her to come fishing off the Maine coast. "I don't get seasick, but I also don't like the water very much and I most certainly don't fish" she said. "I let President & Gov. Bush fish and I sat & talked. We talked a lot about the state of the American armed forces & ballistic missile defense." The son, she said, has an edgier style than the father. "Gov. Bush is somewhat more interactive. He tends to press the speaker to answer questions almost in a kind of rapid-fire manner."

Rice is loyal, and has talked often of her affection for Pres.Bush, ¹ whose role in ending the Cold War has been understated, she insists. She and Gov. Bush by all accounts have an easy, friendly rapport, and she serves his campaign in part because she likes the man. Predictably, she also argues there's much more substance to Bush than people think. "He came into the discussion of foreign policy with some very strong views already, some very strong values," she said. "Free trade is in his bones.
[ Grandpa made certain of that the same way Alexander's father attached him to Aristotle. ]

As Texas governor, he watched how NAFTA improved both the Texan & Mexican economies. He believes very strongly in that. That has not changed. What has happened is, as he has looked at more areas of the world, I think he has seen how free trade can be a valuable tool in places he had not encountered to the degree he had Mexico. Strong national defense was a bedrock for him when we first started, as well as a ballistic missile defense.

I think there, as we had early discussions, he got very seized with the reform agenda in defense, that is not just buying what we were buying in the Cold War but really changing the structure & character of the American armed forces. I think that he always had very strong views that allies matter, that you lead your foreign & diplomatic policy from a point of strength if you start with those who share your values and share your intentions."

Rice gives Clinton's team credit for success in N.Ireland and (maybe) the MidEast. But like most everyone else, Rice slams the Clinton administration for its "ad hoc" foreign policy. As a telling example, she points to the U.S. diplomatic effort in talks between Kosovo Albanians & Yugoslavia in Rambouillet, France, last April, a failure NYTimes dubbed a "debacle." "Diplomacy is fine, but you shouldn't have a kind of confused diplomacy in which you're trying to broker between two parties," she said. "You have to have some demands and follow up on them. I thought Rambouillet was flawed from the beginning." But sometimes Rice's take on big issues does not seem much different from where the administration stands. Her position reflects the current mood among the U.S. leadership to oppose "open- ended deployments and unclear military missions," as Bush put it in his Sept speech at the Citadel.

Rice's brand of hard-headed moderation may come through most clearly on the topic of China. She has a habit of balancing contradicting concerns in a way that neutralizes both, but at the same time she's not afraid to make a point more pungently than many top-level diplomats would. "I think China essentially resents the American presence in the Pacific," she said. "We should have every desire to try and promote
[ Notably sloppy speech patterns incl failure to recognize infinitives & copious NatSec milcorp catchphrases beyond mere bureaucrat's pedantry imply heavily predetermined judgement & absence of genuinely critical i.e. self-critical analysis. She is a parrot coaching a monkey. ]

and encourage and support the changes going on in China," she said. "I believe trade is one way to do that. To the degree that you can support a burgeoning entrepreneurial class in China, to the degree that you can use the WTO and other trade levers to open up the Chinese economy, I think you do something good not just for the world economy but also for political change in China."
[ China has demonstrated for over 2 decades that liberalized trade can readily be decoupled from liberalized govt & power structure, given the world's largest standing army to enforce policy. ]

Clinton, she said, was not so much wrong on China, as Clintonesque. "This is a place where the Clinton administration has been confused," she said. "At the time the president was elected in 1992 the Chinese were the butchers of Beijing, which is what he accused President Bush of doing, coddling the 'butchers of Beijing.' Then a year later China was going to be our strategic partner. Then a year after that we barely made a stir when the first stories about Chinese stealing of American nuclear secrets came out, but we brought [Chinese Prime Minister] Zhu Rongji to the country to sign the WTO agreement and pulled the rug out from under him. "No wonder the Chinese are confused. You need a consistent policy with China." The Clinton administration, she said, "has not acted consistently."

Long before the war in Chechnya was making front-page news, Rice was calling the Russian campaign there a "very brutal war" and warning that it could get even more brutal if the Russian generals push it to the limit. "I don't think that Russia is going to succeed in simultaneously treating the Chechen people this way and subduing them in some sense, and then govern them," she said. But she's careful not to close any doors to diplomacy. She said of Putin's KGB background, "Let's be fair, they are all [former] apparatchiks in Russia at this point. At one time, anyone who is getting elected at this time was an apparatchik. I think we have to wait and see if this is an apparatchik who might be able to take the country forward." Despite this optimism, she worries that Putin came to power "largely on the heels of a kind of a war fever in Russia about Chechnya" and that once in office, he made a point of talking about his support for the military. "Putin owes a lot to the Russian military," she said. "He was an unknown, unheard-of and unheralded hand-picked prime minister by Yeltsin until this war in Chechnya made him popular." Russia, she said, clearly remains a great power in any sense of the term, even though it is obviously in decline in power compared to the Soviet period. "But it has all the attributes of a great power, population, military potential and strength," she said. "It even has economic resources which, while untapped, would certainly give it economic clout to make it a great power if it were better managed." …
[ Impossible to tell from this or any other statements whether this is heartfelt assessment or platitudes for media consumption. Regardless, she gives zero acknowledgement that all global conflict has devolved from ideologically based post-colonial struggles for liberation to unabashed resource wars that look ahead to the coming centuries of scarcity controlled by consolidated international military forces. She speaks in terms of diplomats & armies with no mention of the more commonly exerted influence of intelligence agencies skewing foreign elections & economies. Nor does she speak to the burgeoning populist campaigns against globalization & for labor self-realization. She shows no awareness of democratic principles far beyond property rights as the foundation of American philosophy, appearing entirely bounded by realpolitik in her vision. ]

… America adrift … U.S. national interests today
  •   Foreign policy in wake of the Cold War been 5yrs of ad hoc fits & starts; if continued, will jeopardize America's values, fortunes and lives;
  •   Defining feature of American engagement in Post-Cold War world has been confusion;
  •   Several one-time-only windows of opportunity been missed;
  •   For decades ahead, only sound basis for coherent, sustainable U.S. foreign policy is clear public sense of American national interests;
  • Clarity about the hierarchy of national interests will require harder thinking than was true during Cold War.
Richard Armitage
Robert Blackwill
Jeffrey Eisenach
Richard Falkenrath
David Gergen
Bob Graham
Jerrold Green
Arnold Kanter
Paul Krugman
John McCain
Sam Nunn
Condoleezza Rice
Pat Roberts
Brent Scowcroft
Armitage Associates
JFKennedy School of Govt
Progress & Freedom Fdtn
Harvard U. Ctr for Science & Intl Affairs
Newshour w/Jim Lehrer
U.S. Senate
RAND Corp
Forum for Intl Policy
Stanford Univ.
U.S. Senate
U.S. Senate
Ctr for Intl Security & Arms Control
U.S. House
The Scowcroft Group
5 vital interests
Office of Special Plans
Lewis Libby
The plot thickens   New evidence fails to resolve the mystery of Bush's State of the Union misstep on Iraq
7.28.03   Edw.T. Pound & Bruce B. Auster
U.S. News

11 days before Pres. GWBush's 1.28.03 State of the Union speech, CIA sent the White House a classified report suggesting Iraq might be seeking uranium in Niger for a nuclear weapons program, according to U.S. intelligence officials. At nearly the same time, however, the CIA says, it pressed the White House to drop from the speech the reference to the Niger allegations. Senate Intelligence Committee, concerned about what appears to be conflicting actions by the CIA, is reviewing the matter as part of its investigation into how discredited information on the Niger attempt got into the president's address. CIA officials confirmed that the agency had sent a senior executive intelligence brief to the White House and national security agencies 1.17.03.

SEIB, sent daily to govt sr officials, contains highly classified national security information. CIA officials say the SEIB wasn't an endorsement of the Niger intelligence; indeed, they say, it contained the same caveats cited in a national intelligence estimate (NIE) issued Oct. 2002 by the intelligence community. That estimate said, "We do not know the status" of the Iraqi-Niger dealings and cited State Dept doubts about the Niger reports.
Disclosure of the SEIB comes as White House officials sought to counter growing criticism that they used flawed intelligence to justify the war with Iraq. Late last week, the Bush administration declassified portions of the October NIE to bolster its case that it had not intentionally misused intelligence. The NIE cited the intelligence community's "high confidence" that Saddam Hussein's regime was seeking to reconstitute its nuclear weapons program. But, as with the Niger case, the State Dept disputed this broader conclusion.

Senate Intelligence Committee wants answers, and some Democrats see political daylight. They are expected to demand the committee explore the role played by VP Cheney, who pressed the view that Saddam was close to acquiring nuclear weapons. The GOP led panel has said it will pursue all leads.
Cheney's role is still murky. U.S. News has learned that a document prepared by Cheney's chief of staff, Lewis "Scooter" Libby, at almost exactly the same time as the State of the Union address omitted any reference to Iraqi efforts to obtain uranium from Niger. The chronology of events is puzzling, even to insiders: On Saturday, 1.25.03, just 3 days before the address, officials gathered in the White House Situation Room to vet intelligence on Iraq's weapons of mass destruction programs and its links to terrorism. Libby made the presentation. After several hours, Libby summarized the conclusions of the meeting and turned them into a written case for war against Saddam.

Libby's document was sent to SecState Powell; it was intended as the "script" for his 2.5.03 UN presentation. The puzzler: The charge that Iraq sought uranium from Niger was not in Libby's paper. Why not? "The agency had so discredited it," says one participant, "they didn't want to bring it up." Senate intelligence panel chair Sen. Pat Roberts R-KS says "the process was broken" and complains of "sloppy coordination" among national security agencies. The State of the Union speech, which went through as many as two dozen drafts, was sent only to senior aides, leaving little opportunity for checking by experts. However, days before the speech, a CIA analyst and a National Security Council official agreed on the now infamous 16 words, attributing the uranium charge to the British.

Tenet was grilled last week by the Senate panel. Asked about Cheney's role, he said the vice president did not have any special interest in the uranium matter. But some Bush administration officials say that Cheney wields influence at the CIA. He & Libby occasionally visited the agency's VA HQ for briefings. "Nearly every day, Cheney & Scooter hammered the agency on Iraq or terrorism," says one senior administration official. "Over time, the agency got tired of fighting."


Wolfowitz committee instructed White House to use Iraq uranium ref. in pres speech
7.17.03   Jason Leopold Scoop

Wash.DC   … At issue is a secret committee set up in 2001 by DefSec Rumsfeld called Office of Special Plans headed by Wolfowitz, Abrum Shulsky and under secretary of Defense for Policy Douglas Feith to probe allegations of links between Iraq & terrorist organization al-Qaeda and whether the country was stockpiling a cache of weapons of mass destruction. OSP committee disbanded March 2003 after start of war in Iraq.
The committee's job, according to published reports, was to gather intelligence information on the Iraqi threat that CIA & FBI could not uncover and present it to the White House to build a case for war in Iraq. The committee relied heavily on information provided by Iraqi defector Ahmad Chalabi, who provided White House with reams of intelligence on Saddam Hussein's weapons programs that's disputed. Chalabi heads Iraqi National Congress, group of Iraqi exiles who pushed for regime change in Iraq.

… The CIA official & senators said that's when Wolfowitz & his committee instructed the White House to have Bush use the now disputed line about Iraq's attempts to purchase 500 tons of uranium from Niger in a speech the President was set to give in Cincinnati. But Tenet quickly intervened and informed National Security Adviser Rice's aide Stephen Hadley that the information was unreliable.
Former DIA MidEast analysis dir. Patrick Lang said in an interview with New Yorker magazine in May 2003 … " … It's not intelligence. It's political propaganda." Lang said CIA & OSP often clashed on the accuracy of intelligence information provided to White House by Wolfowitz.

… In a rare Pentagon briefing recently, OSP co-director Douglas Feith said the committee was not an "intelligence project," but rather an group of 18 people that looked at intelligence information from a different point of view. Feith said when the group had new "thoughts" on intelligence information it was given; they shared it with CIA dir. Tenet.
"It was a matter of digesting other people's intelligence," Feith said of the main duties of his group. "Its job was to review this intelligence to help digest it for me & other policy makers, to help us develop Defense Dept strategy for the war on terrorism."

Spies who pushed for war   shadow rightwing intelligence network set up in Washington to second-guess CIA to justify toppling Saddam Hussein by force   7.17.03   Julian Borger London Guardian

Wash.D.C.   "The OSP was an open, largely unfiltered conduit to the White House not only for the Iraqi opposition. It also forged close ties to a parallel, ad hoc intelligence operation inside Ariel Sharon's office in Israel specifically to bypass Mossad and provide the Bush administration with more alarmist reports on Saddam's Iraq than Mossad was prepared to authorise."
As CIA dir. Tenet arrived at Senate yesterday to give secret testimony on the Niger uranium affair, it was clear in Washington that the scandal was only a small, well-documented symptom of US intelligence breakdown that steered America into war, second catastrophic Bush admin intelligence failure. But CIA & FBI inability to prevent 9.11.01 was largely internal institutional weaknesses.
  [ To contrary. In both cases, the fundamental motive was zealous turf building & maintenance. Amb. Bodine banished John O'Neill ]

This time … the White House stands accused of politicising & contaminating its own source of intelligence. According to former Bush officials, all defence & intelligence sources, sr admin figures created a Pentagon agency of analysts staffed mainly by ideological amateurs to compete with the CIA & its military counterpart, the Defence Intelligence Agency. The agency, called the Office of Special Plans (OSP), was set up by DefSec Rumsfeld to second-guess CIA information and operated under the patronage of hardline conservatives in the top rungs of the administration, the Pentagon and at the White House, incl VP Cheney.
  [ Executive branch's captive brand of "supersecret" product for political gain ]

The ideologically driven network functioned like shadow govt, much of it off official payroll and beyond congressional oversight. But it proved powerful enough to prevail in a struggle with State Dept & CIA by establishing a justification for war.
CIA dir. Tenet has officially taken responsibility for the president's unsubstantiated claim in January that Saddam Hussein's regime had been trying to buy uranium in Africa, but he also said his agency was under pressure to justify a war that the administration had already decided on. Yesterday new White House new spokesman Scott McClellan accused critics of "politicising the war" and trying to "rewrite history".   [ newspeak ]   But Democratic leadership question the White House role.

Cheney, at network's sharp end, made several trips to the CIA in Langley VA to demand more "forward-leaning" interpretation of the threat posed by Saddam. When he was not there to make his influence felt, his chief of staff Lewis "Scooter" Libby ¹ was, unprecedented hands-on vice-president involvement in processing intelligence data to put pressure on CIA officials for appropriate results.
  [ To contrary. Poppy Bush ran Iran-Contra, used Rumsfeld as bagman for Saddam, et al for puppet Reagan ]
Another frequent visitor was former GOP party leader Newt Gingrich resurfaced after 9.11.01 as Pentagon "consultant" and member of its unpaid defence advisory board, influential beyond official title. An intelligence official confirmed Gingrich made "a couple of visits" but said there was nothing unusual about that. Gingrich's spokesman Rick Tyler said: "If he was at the CIA he was there to listen and learn, not to persuade or influence." Gingrich visited Langley 3 times before the war. Gingrich gained access to CIA HQ as personal emissary of the Pentagon, in particular, OSP.

Days after 9.11.01, Rumsfeld & deputy, Paul Wolfowitz attempted to include Iraq in war against terror. When established agencies came up with nothing concrete to link Iraq & al-Qaida, OSP was tasked to look more. Former navy officer & Cheney ex-aide Wm Luti runs the day- to-day operations, answering to defence undersecretary & former Reagan official Douglas Feith.
OSP had access to raw intelligence in part from "report officers" in CIA's directorate of operations whose job is to sift through reports from agents around the world, filtering out the unsubstantiated & incredible. Under pressure from Cheney & Gingrich, those officers became reluctant to discard anything, no matter far-fetched. OSP also had tips from Iraqi National Congress & other opposition groups, viewed with far more scepticism by CIA & State Dept.

W/ mountainous documentation to see & not much time, the administration wanted to use momentum gained in Afghanistan to deal with Iraq. OSP itself had less than 10 full-time staff; to help deal with the load, the office hired scores of temporary "consultants", incl lawyers, congressional staffers, and policy wonks from Wash.D.C. rightwing thinktanks, few w/ experience in intelligence.
"Most of the people they had in that office were off the books, on personal services contracts. At one time, there were over 100 of them," said an intelligence source. The contracts allow a dept to hire individuals w/o specifying a job description. Thinktank GlobalSecurity.org defence analyst John Pike said the contracts "are basically a way they could pack the room with their little friends".
"They surveyed data and picked out what they liked," said former State Dept's intelligence bureau sr official Gregory Thielmannin, retired in Sept. "The whole thing was bizarre. Secretary of Defense has this huge defense intelligence agency, and he went around it."

OSP's activities were mystery to DIA & Pentagon. "The iceberg analogy is a good one," said a sr officer who left the Pentagon during the planning of the Iraq war. "No one from the military staff heard, saw or discussed anything with them." Civilian agencies had the same impression of the OSP sleuths. "They were a pretty shadowy presence," Thielmann said. "Normally when you compile an intelligence document, all the agencies get together to discuss it. OSP was never present at any of the meetings I attended."
Democratic cong. David Obey, investigating OSP, said: "That office was charged with collecting, vetting and disseminating intelligence completely outside normal intelligence apparatus. In fact, it appears that information collected by this office was in some instances not even shared with established intelligence agencies and in numerous instances was passed on to the national security council and the president without having been vetted with anyone other than political appointees."

OSP was an open & largely unfiltered conduit to White House for Iraqi opposition. It also forged close ties to parallel ad hoc intelligence operation inside Ariel Sharon's office in Israel specifically to bypass Mossad and provide Bush administration with reports on Saddam's Iraq Mossad was unprepared to authorise. "None of the Israelis who came were cleared into the Pentagon through normal channels," said one source familiar with the visits. Instead, they were waved in on Feith's authority without having to fill in the usual forms.
[ Cowboy corral required by standard Bush style roughshod intelligence compromised for political gain in name of national security. NatSec wranglers actively deluding themselves to keep paranoia funded ].
Information exchange continued long-standing relationship Feith & other Washington neo-conservatives had with Israel's Likud party. In 1996, he & Richard Perle, now influential Pentagon figure, served as advisers to then Likud leader Binyamin Netanyahu. In policy paper they wrote, entitled A Clean Break: A New Strategy for Securing the Realm, the 2 advisers said Saddam would have to be destroyed, and Syria, Lebanon, Saudi Arabia, and Iran would have to be overthrown or destabilised, for Israel to be truly safe.

Israeli influence was revealed most clearly by a story floated by unnamed senior US officials in the American press, suggesting the reason that no banned weapons had been found in Iraq was that they had been smuggled into Syria. Intelligence sources say that the story came from the Israeli prime minister's office.
OSP absorbed raw intelligence, rumour and disinformation for "product", a stream of reports with guaranteed readership in White House. Primary customers were Cheney, Libby and their closest ideological ally on the national security council Stephen Hadley, Condoleezza Rice's deputy.
In turn, they leaked some claims to the press, and used others to demand CIA & State Dept analysts investigate OSP leads. … A former senior CIA official insisted yesterday that Mr Feith, at least, was "finished", wishful thinking by a rival organisation. …

US rivals turn on each other as weapons search draws a blank
One key argument for war was the peril from weapons of mass destruction. Now top officials are worried by repeated failures to find the proof and US intelligence agencies are engaged in a struggle to avoid the blame
5.11.03   P.Harris & M.Bright (London), E.Helmore (NYC) The Observer

Iraqi military base at Taji does not look like a place of global importance. It is a desolate expanse of bunkers & hangars surrounded by barbed wire & battered look-out posts. It is deserted apart from American sentries at the gate. Yet Taji, north of Baghdad, is key to debate. Where are Saddam's weapons of mass destruction? Was the war fought on a platform of lies? Taji was only specific location singled out by Sec.State Powell in his UN address when he argued evidence compiled by US intelligence proved existence of an illegal weapons pgm. 'This is one of 65 such facilities in Iraq,' Powell said. 'We know this one has housed chemical weapons.'

Observer learnt that Taji has drawn a blank. U.S. sources say no such weapons were found when a search party scoured the base in late April 2003. By then it had already been looted by local villagers. If Taji ever had any secrets, they are long gone. … Last week, U.S. flew 2,000 more experts into Iraq. Iraq Survey Team joins 600 experts already there. Organisations in Iraq hunting for weapons now incl teams from the U.S. & British armies, CIA, FBI and Defence Threat Reduction Agency.
Yet at more than 110 sites checked so far they have found nothing conclusive. … Suspect white powder at Latifiyah was only explosives. Barrels of what was thought to be sarin & tabun nerve agents were pesticides. When a dozen U.S. soldiers checked a suspect site and fell ill, it was because they had inhaled fertiliser fumes.

Setbacks ratchet up political pressure for infighting between govt depts & intelligence agencies on both sides of the Atlantic. Having fought a war to disarm Iraq of its terrible weapons, neither the U.S. nor Britain can admit Iraq never had them in the first place. Search for weapons of mass destruction … is especially vital for The Cabal. … OSP reports directly to leading admin hawk Paul Wolfowitz. … 'Rumsfeld set up his own intelligence agency because he didn't like the intelligence he was getting,' said Council on Foreign Relations national security studies dir. Larry Korb. 'He doesn't like Powell's approach, a typical diplomat, too cautious.'
Former CIA officials are caustic about OSP. Unreliable & politically motivated, they say it has undermined decades of work by the CIA's trained spies and ignored the truth when it has contradicted its world view. 'Their methods are vicious,' said former CIA counter-terrorism chief Vince Cannistraro. "Intelligence' politicisation is pandemic, and deliberate disinformation is being promoted. They choose the worst-case scenario on everything and so much of the information is fallacious.'

Cannistraro is retired; his attacks will not bother The Cabal, firmly 'in the loop' of Washington's movers & shakers. … Citing 'intelligence' sources, Tony Blair produced an official dossier that concluded Iraq could fire chemical or biological weapons within 45 minutes of an order to do so. … cold analysis after the war tells a different story. Iraq was abandoned by the UN weapons inspectors, then bombed, invaded and finally brought under U.S. & British military control. During that entire time, … weapons of mass destruction (weren't used). Now both pro-war party & anti-war lobby want to know why. …
Iraq is the size of California with mountains & deserts in abundance. Iraqi expert Ibrahim al-Marashi, his work heavily plagiarised in now infamous Downing Street dossier published on eve of war, detailed a sophisticated concealment network set up in the 1990s and headed by Saddam's son Qusay. At the heart of the operation was Saddam's son-in-law & cousin Hussein Kamil, who defected in 1995 to Jordan, where he revealed the concealment techniques to Western intelligence agencies.

According to al-Marashit, the main cache of weapons of mass destruction should have been found in Saddam's home city of Tikrit. Tikrit has fallen; as yet nothing has been found, leaving U.S. officials clutching at straws. Some have gone so far as to suggest that the weapons were hidden so well that the Iraqis themselves were unable to use them.
More worrying possibility is that they were looted. Across Iraq , not just in Baghdad & Basra, practically every govt & military facility was looted long before U.S. or British troops were able to control them. The weapons might be now on the black market. 'It means the weapons would now be proliferating, which is exactly what the war was meant to stop,' said former 1990s Iraq weapons inspector Garth Whitty.
Barrels of nerve agent are not easy to sell. War's critics point to a more obvious conclusion; in run-up to war, Iraqis were telling the truth that they had no weapons of mass destruction.

Intelligence misuse aside from Downing St plagiarised dossier are allegations Iraq tried to buy uranium from Niger. Documents that accusation were based on were shown to be false by Intl Atomic Energy Agency, but that did not stopp Britain & America warning of Saddam's nuclear threat. The forgeries were obvious. One Niger Minister, whose signature was on a document, had been out of office for a decade when the forgeries were produced. A U.S. envoy sent to investigate the claims reported to the CIA in Feb. 2002 that they were fakes. But the OSP & the White House ignored him.
Other selective use of intelligence was made of the OSP's Iraqi defectors, but they chose which defectors they wanted to listen to. Kamil's terrifying description of Iraq's capabilities in the early 1990s and its efforts to conceal its arsenal was touted as killer proof. The fact that Kamil also told his interrogators the weapons had later been ordered destroyed was suppressed.

Other defectors may have had their own agendas. Kamil described one, Dr Khidhir Hamza, as a 'professional liar', but told U.S. intelligence what it wanted to hear and said Iraq was close to building a nuclear bomb. No one now believes that. … Perhaps most damning is lack of intelligence emerging from captured Iraqi officials. The list is impressive: Huda Ammash, known as 'Mrs Anthrax'; General Hossam Amin, responsi ble for talks with weapons inspectors; General Amir Saadi, Saddam's science adviser; General. Rashid al-Ubaidi, an arms adviser; and Abdul Hwaish, believed responsible for all Iraq's military capabilities. If anyone knows about the weapons, it is these people. They have powerful motivation to cut a deal & tell what they know. 'Why is no one coughing?' said Whitty.

In a quiet corner of Baghdad Intl Airport sits a truck & trailer painted military green. Its canvas sides have been rolled up to reveal pipes & vats of some form of biological fermentation machine. It was stolen in Mosul 2 weeks ago then handed over to Kurdish militia when the thieves realised it was no ordinary truck. The Kurds passed it on to the Americans. It is the only concrete sign that any weapons of mass destruction may have existed. The firm which made it has said 6 others were similarly kitted out. It has a strong resemblance to the 'mobile bio- weapons labs' described by Powell to the UN, but is it the smoking gun? Not even the most desperate Pentagon official goes that far. No trace of biological weapons residue has been found inside. The truck was apparently thoroughly cleaned out with bleach before it was stolen.
Before the 1991 Gulf war, Iraq did have a massive chemical & biological weapons pgm. Some is probably still around. If sufficient quantities can be uncovered, perhaps it will be enough for a public eager to feel the war was worth it. …

It is time to tell the truth. The war in Iraq was based on a pack of lies.
… I agree the Iraqi people are better off without Saddam Hussein. I agree that Pres. GWBush could have made a case for war by telling us Hussein was a brutal dictator mistreating his own people and had to go. That's not the case Bush made. Instead, he told us there were 4 main reasons we had to launch an immediate attack against Iraq:
  •   Iraq had a large arsenal of weapons of mass destruction.
  •   Iraq was close to developing nuclear weapons
  •   Saddam Hussein was connected to Osama bin Laden, therefore partly responsible for 9.11.01
  •   Iraq posed serious, imminent threat to U.S.

    For the last week, media obsessed with White House admission one element of the president's case, Iraq's attempt to buy uranium from Niger, was factually inaccurate. By focusing on those 16 words in the State of the Union Address, they miss the big picture. It's not just the uranium claim that doesn't hold up. 10 weeks after he declared "mission accomplished," not one of the president's 4 point war plan is supported by the evidence. His entire case was bogus:

  • Weapons of mass destruction. "Intelligence gathered by this & other govts leaves no doubt that the Iraq regime continues to possess &Amp; conceal some of the most lethal weapons ever devised," President Bush told the nation 2 days before sending troops into Iraq. DefSe Rumsfeld echoed: "It is clear that the Iraqis have weapons of mass destruction."
    So far, U.S. troops have found zero evidence of WMDs: not one Scud, not one poison canister, not one lab, not one liter of biological or chemical materials. … Iraq simply did not possess weapons of mass destructionin the quantity & availability he warned about. And maybe not at all.
  •   Nuclear weapons. "Evidence indicates Iraq is reconstituting its nuclear weapons pgm," Pres. GWBush said 10.7.01 in Cincinnati. Repeating that claim in his State of the Union Address, he cited as evidence purchase of suspicious aluminum tubes and now-repudiated British intelligence report that Iraq was shopping for uranium in Africa. CIA, Defense Dept and UK all agree the aluminum tubes were not nuclear-production material. Even Tony Blair has backed off his Niger shopping-spree accusation with the weak explanation that since Saddam Hussein bought uranium from Niger in the '80s, it's "therefore not beyond the bounds of possibility that he went back to Niger again." Hardly sufficient as a case for war.
  •   Osama bin Laden. Asserting connection between Hussein & 9.11.01 was Bush's silver bullet. 9.25.02 he warned of danger that "al-Qaida becomes an extension of Saddam's madness." The same day, Condoleezza Rice declared: "There clearly are contacts between al-Qaida &Amp; Iraq." Next day, Rumsfeld said he had "bulletproof" evidence of a Saddam-bin Laden link.
    No such evidence exists. Captured al-Qaida informants have testified that bin Laden himself rejected overtures to Hussein. Former State Dept intelligence official Greg Thielmann told reporters this week: "There was no significant pattern of cooperation between Iraq & al-Qaida terrorist operation."
  •   Imminent threat. … Pres. GWBush insisted Iraq not only had weapons, it could soon drop them on downtown Des Moines. "We are concerned that Iraq is exploring ways of using these UAVs (unmanned aerial vehicles) for missions targeting U.S."
    That was his most absurd charge of all. Iraq's UAVs had a maximum range of 300 miles. They couldn't reach Tel Aviv, let alone Des Moines or Manhattan. …

    Cheney praises Fox News Channel   VP calls network 'more accurate' than others
    4.30.04   Mike Allen
    Wash.Post pA5

    VP Cheney endorsed Fox News Channel during a conference call last night with tens of thousands of GOP who were gathered across the country to celebrate a National Party for the President Day organized by the Bush-Cheney campaign. Fox News styles its coverage as "fair & balanced," but it has a heavy stable of conservative commentators that makes it a favorite around the White House. It is unusual for a president or vice president to single out a commercial enterprise for public praise.
    The comment came as Cheney took questions from supporters at 5,245 parties that were held in 50 states to energize grass-roots volunteers building a precinct-by-precinct army for President Bush's campaign. "It's easy to complain about the press; I've been doing it for a good part of my career," Cheney said. "It's part of what goes with a free society. What I do is try to focus upon those elements of the press that I think do an effective job and try to be accurate in their portrayal of events. For example, I end up spending a lot of time watching Fox News, because they're more accurate in my experience, in those events that I'm personally involved in, than many of the other outlets."

    Cheney, who recently was chosen by Bush's aides to address the National Rifle Association's national convention, is the leading ambassador to conservatives for the campaign & administration. Cheney spoke live shortly after 8:30 pm. Cheers could be heard erupting behind an insurance representative from Johnson County, Iowa, as she began asking Cheney her question. She complained about "the inconsistencies that we see in the media" and asked him to "clarify some of the things that are happening in Iraq that really are good but just never get through the media."
    Cheney told the questioner he has "experienced the same kind of frustration you have. The fact is that we spend a lot of time talking to a broad range of people out there to make sure we've got a good fix on what's going on," Cheney said. "You can't simply rely just upon the press coverage. The situation today is clearly, we've made enormous progress when you think about where we came from a little over a year ago. Saddam Hussein was in power. Tonight, he's in jail. His sons are dead. The govt is gone. It's been taken down. The extent to which you had a regime there that hosted terrorists over the years and also pursued and used weapons of mass destruction, that's all been dramatically changed."
      [ What remains unchanged, more importantly, is military procurement vendors' promotion, and U.S. govt supply in response thereto, of WMDs & genocidal armament to ill prepared & expediently chosen tyrants. ]

    Campaign manager Ken Mehlman opened the call by saying : "Our opponent, John Kerry, has a very different approach than going after the terrorists and continuing forward on economic recovery." Mehlman said the participants can "set up future parties for the president at any time, for any day of your choosing" and said the campaign will organize another nationwide party in mid-July.
    Hosts were sent packets incl volunteer signup sheets, bumper stickers, and a video message & letter from Bush. Some organizers served refreshments in their homes, and others hosted events in restaurants, churches and community centers. The roster included 420 parties in FL, 286 in PA, 199 in MO, 197 in WI and 157 in IA. MA Sen. Kerry announced a National House Party Day for 5.22.04.

    King George, or Richard III, W as in Watergate
    7.23.03   L.LaRouche million-run leaflet al Jazeera

    … As any sane citizen of voting age should know, "W" ''is purely dumb and mean. …

    In Feb. 2002 as a result of Cheney's pressure, the CIA dispatches former Amb. Joseph Wilson to Niger to check the Iraq yellowcake story. Current U.S. Amb. tells Wilson that she already sent reports to Washington debunking the yellowcake story. Wilson interviews numerous current & former Niger officials when he returns, he tells the CIA the story is almost certainly bogus. CIA informs various govt agencies & offices incl Office of the VP

    2.24.02 second U.S. official Gen. Carlton Fulford was sent to Niger to determine status of Niger's uranium supply. He reported to Defense & State Departments that Niger's uranium stocks were kept under tight control by a French consortium

    Mid 2002 Italian intelligenc eagency SISMI obtains a set of documents purporting to show that Iraq was trying to purchase some tons of yellowcake from Niger. The Italian govt notifies U.S., Britain and, by some accounts, Israel

    During 2002,Cheney, Libby and NewtGingrich (of Richard Perle's Defense Policy Board) all pay numerous visits to CIA HQ to press CIA analysts to come up with incriminating evidence against Iraq.

    8.26.02 Cheney, in a speech to Veterans of Foreign Wars, declares Hussein "has resumed his efforts to acquire nuclear weapons ,'' and he announces: "Many of us are convinced Saddam will acquire nuclear weapons fairly soon.'' This speech launches a campaign by Bush admin to portray Hussein as on verge of acquiring nuclear weapons despite complete lack of any current, reliable intelligence to this effect.

    9.24.02 PM Blair's govt releases a dossier stating "Iraq sought supply of significant quantities of uranium from Africa.'' Shortly after this, CIA advises British govt of its doubts

    10.7.02 Pres. GWBush delivered major speech in Cincinnati. In days preceding the speech, CIA dir. Tenet personally intervened and persuaded deputy National Security Adviser Stephen Hadley to delete not only any claim regarding Niger, but all references to Iraq attempting to obtain uranium from Africa.

    10.11.02 Italian journalist Elisabetta Burba obtains the bogus Niger documents. She provides them to the U.S. Embassy in Rome, which sends them to Wash.DC. State Dept intelligence (INR) provides them to other agencies (but apparently not to the CIA), with caveat that they are "highly dubious.'' Meanwhile, CIA station in Rome, knowing the yellowcake story has already been discredited, doesn't bother to send them to HQ

    Dec. 2002 State Dept "FactSheet'' says Iraq failed to disclose attempts to purchase uranium oxide from Niger. The Fact Sheet is not cleared by State Dept INR. CIA objects. In cabling Fact Sheet around the world, Niger reference is dropped.

    1.27.03, days preceding President's State of the Union address, CIA proliferation expert Alan Foley discovers that the White House is attempting to revive the Niger yellowcake claim and objects. NSC aide RobertJoseph, long-time crony of Richard Perle and Frank Gaffney, insists that the claim must go in. After negotiations, a compromise is reached by which the claim will be attributed to British govt.

    1.28.03 Pres. GWBush delivers State of Union address, stating: "British govt has learned that Saddam Hussein recently sought significant quantities of uranium from Africa. … Saddam Hussein has not credibly explained these activities. He clearly has much to hide."

    Within days of State of Union address, CIA obtains copies of original Niger documents, by some accounts, having sent a representative to Rome to get them.

    2.5.03 Sec.State Powell delivers UN Security Council presentation on Iraq's WMD programs. He omits any reference to Niger yellowcake claim. The claim had been included in the first draft of his speech, reportedly written by Cheney's aide Lewis Libby, but was thrown out during an intensive 4 day review at CIA HQ, during which Powell is reported to have labelled the Libby draft as "bullshit" and discarded it.

    2.5.03 State Dept gives copies of Niger documents to Intl Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) with warning that the documents are likely fraudulent. Within one to two hours, IAEA easily determines the documents are forgeries.

    3.7.03 presentation to UN Security Council, IAEA dir. general Mohammed El Baradei announces to world that the Niger documents are forgeries.

    3.16.03 NBC's "Meet the Press", Cheney states, when asked about El Baradei's statement: "I disagree … .We know [Saddam] has been absolutely devoted to trying to acquire nuclear weapons. And we believe he has, in fact, reconstituted nuclear weapons. I think El Baradei frankly is wrong."

    3.19.03 U.S. launches second war on Iraq.

    Cheney had Iraq in sights 2 years ago
    7.22.03   Simon English
    Daily Telegraph UK

    NYC   Documents released under America's Freedom of Information Act reveal an energy task force led by vp Cheney was examining Iraq's oil assets 2 years before the latest war began. The papers were obtained after a long battle with the White House by conservative legal charity Judicial Watch that opposes govt secrecy and which is suing for the dealings of the task force to be made public.
    The emergence of the documents fuels claims America's war in Iraq had as much to do with oil as national security. … 16 pages dated March 2001 show maps of Iraq oil fields, pipelines, refineries and terminals. A document titled Foreign Suitors for Iraqi Oilfield Contracts is also included, listing which countries were keen to do business with Saddam's regime.

    Judicial Watch requested the papers 2 years ago as part of its investigation into links between the Bush admin & sr energy executives incl Enron's former chair Ken Lay. Cheney fought the documents' release at every stage. A court ordered 2 weeks ago that at least some of the task force's working papers should be made public.
    Judicial Watch pres. Tom Fitton said: "People will draw their own conclusions about the documents, but that is what an open society is about. Given the delay in their release, Bush admin clearly did not want them to come out." Cheney spokesman did not return calls yesterday. US Commerce Dept said in a statement: "It is the responsibility of the Commerce Dept to serve as a commercial liaison for U.S. companies doing business around the world, inclg those that develop & utilise energy resources. The Energy Task Force evaluated regions of the world that are vital to global energy supply."

    Mr Fitton said: "Opponents of the war will point to the documents as evidence that the Bush administration was after Iraqi oil. Supporters will say the energy task force would have been remiss if it did not take Iraq's oil into account." … A court ordered the govt to comply with the Freedom of Information Act and give up these documents more than a year ago. Judicial Watch said it could not explain why the papers were suddenly released. A govt spokesman declined to elaborate.
    Maps of oil fields & pipelines in Saudi Arabia & United Arab Emirates and a list of energy development projects in those 2 countries are also included. Cheney argues his consultations with the energy industry should be private so that all parties can speak freely. U.S. court recently described this invoking of executive privilege "extraordinary" & "drastic".


  • Selective intelligence   Donald Rumsfeld has his own special sources. Are they reliable?
    5.12.03   Seymour M. Hersh New Yorker

    They call themselves, self-mockingly, the Cabal, small cluster of policy advisers & analysts now based in the Pentagon's Office of Special Plans. In the past year, according to former & present Bush admin officials, their operation, conceived by deputy secretary of defense Paul Wolfowitz, brought crucial change of direction in American intelligence community. These advisers & analysts began their work days after 9.11.01 and produced intelligence reviews that shaped public opinion & American policy toward Iraq. They relied on data gathered by other intelligence agencies and also on information provided by the Iraqi National Congress, or I.N.C., exile group headed by Ahmad Chalabi.
    By last fall, the operation rivaled both C.I.A. & Pentagon DIA as Pres.GWBush's main source of intelligence regarding Iraq's possible possession of weapons of mass destruction and connection with al Qaeda. As of last week, no such weapons had been found. Although many people within the admin & outside it profess confidence something will turn up, integrity of much of that intelligence is now in question.

    Special Plans operation dir. Abram Shulsky, scholarly expert in works of political philosopher Leo Strauss, quietly worked on intelligence & foreign-policy issues for 3 decades on early 1980s Senate Intelligence Committee staff and in Pentagon under Asst Sec.Defense Richard Perle during Reagan Administration, after which he joined Rand Corp.
    OSP is overseen by retired Navy captain Under-Secretary of Defense Wm Luti, early advocate of military action against Iraq; as admin moved toward war and policymaking power shifted toward civilians in the Pentagon, he took on increasingly important responsibilities.

    Former DIA MidEast intelligence chief W. Patrick Lang said, "The Pentagon banded together to dominate govt's foreign policy, and they pulled it off. They're running Chalabi. DIA was intimidated & beaten to a pulp. There's no guts at all in the C.I.A."
    Hostility goes both ways. Pentagon official working for Luti told me, "I did a job when the intelligence community wasn't doing theirs. We recognized the fact that they hadn't done the analysis. We were providing information to Wolfowitz that he hadn't seen before. The intelligence community is still looking for a mission like they had in the Cold War, when they spoon-fed the policymakers."

    Pentagon adviser who worked w/ OSP dismissed any criticism of the operation as little more than bureaucratic whining. "Shulsky & Luti won the policy debate," the adviser said. "They beat 'em; they cleaned up against State & C.I.A. There's no mystery why they won; they were more effective in making their argument. Luti is smarter than the opposition. Wolfowitz is smarter. They out-argued them. It was a fair fight. They persuaded the President of the need to make a new security policy. Those who lose are so good at trying to undercut those who won." He added, "I'd love to be the historian who writes the story of how this small group of 8 or 9 people made the case & won."

    According to Pentagon adviser, OSP was created in order to find evidence of what Wolfowitz & his boss DefSec Rumsfeld, believed to be true: Saddam Hussein had close ties to al Qaeda and Iraq had an enormous arsenal of chemical, biological, and possibly even nuclear weapons that threatened the region and potentially U.S. Iraq's possible possession of weapons of mass destruction had been a matter of concern to the intl community since before first Gulf War. Saddam Hussein used chemical weapons in the past. At some point, he assembled thousands of chemical warheads, along with biological weapons, and made a serious attempt to build a nuclear weapons pgm.
    What has been in dispute is how much of that capacity, if any, survived the 1991 war and years of UN inspections, no-fly zones, and sanctions. Since 9.11.01, there have been recurring questions about Iraq ties to terrorists.
      [ Far fewer than about Saudi ties w/out equally consequent war. Bush dynasty partnership yields advantages ]

    Feb. 2003 poll showed 72% of Americans believed it likely Saddam Hussein was personally involved in 9.11.01 attacks, although no definitive evidence of such a connection has been presented. Rumsfeld & colleagues believed CIA was unable to perceive the reality of the situation in Iraq. "The agency was out to disprove linkage between Iraq & terrorism," Pentagon adviser told me. "That's what drove them. If you've ever worked with intelligence data, you can see the ingrained views at CIA that color the way it sees data."
      [ Rumsfeld knew Iraq supported Islamic terrorists because he delivered the check to pay for that support. CIA is paid to conceal, not publicly reveal, conflicts of interest excused on behalf of national security. ]

    He said OSP goal was "to put the data under microscope to reveal what intelligence community can't see. Shulsky's carrying the heaviest part." Before 9.11.01, then Pentagon Defense Policy Board chair Richard Perle made similar argument about intelligence community knowledge of Iraq's weapons. At a Senate Foreign Relations subcommittee hearing March 2001 he said, "Does Saddam now have weapons of mass destruction? Sure he does. We know he has chemical weapons. We know he has biological weapons. … How far he's gone on the nuclear-weapons side I don't think we really know. My guess is it's further than we think. It's always further than we think, because we limit ourselves, as we think about this, to what we're able to prove & demonstrate.     [ David Stockman paraphrase: 'triumph of politics' (over logic). ]
    … unless you believe that we have uncovered everything, you have to assume there is more than we're able to report."

    An Oct. 2002 Times article reported Rumsfeld ordered an intelligence operation "to search for information on Iraq's hostile intentions or links to terrorists" that CIA might have overlooked. When Rumsfeld was asked about the story at a Pentagon briefing, he was initially vague. "I'm told that after 9.11.01 a small group, I think 2 to start with, and maybe 4 now … were asked to begin poring over this mountain of information that we were receiving on intelligence-type things." He went on to say, "You don't know what you don't know. So in comes the daily briefer", from the CIA "and she walks through the daily brief. I ask questions. 'Gee, what about this?' or 'What about that? Has somebody thought of this?'" At the same briefing, Rumsfeld said that he had already been informed that there was "solid evidence of the presence in Iraq of al Qaeda members."

    If OSP searched for new intelligence on Iraq, most obvious source was defectors with firsthand knowledge. The office inevitably turned to Ahmad Chalabi's Iraqi National Congress. Umbrella INC organization for diverse groups opposed to Saddam constantly seeks out Iraqi defectors. OSP developed a close working relationship with ICN; this strengthened its position in disputes with CIA and gave Pentagon pro-war leadership added leverage in constant disputes with State Dept.
    OSP also became conduit for intelligence reports from INC to White House officials. Close personal bond between Chalabi and Wolfowitz & Perle dating back many years deepened after Bush admin took office. Chalabi's ties extended to others in admin, incl Rumsfeld, DoD Policy under-secretary Douglas Feith; , VP Cheney's chief of staff I. Lewis Libby. For years, Chalabi had prominent American Enterprise Institute members' support. Chalabi had some Democratic supporters incl former CIA head James Woolsey.

    Another level to Chalabi's relationship with U.S. in mid 1990s was CIA secretly funnelling millions of dollars annually to INC. Those payments ended around 1996, a former CIA MidEast station chief told me, essentially because the agency had doubts about Chalabi's integrity. In 1992, Chalabi was convicted in absentia of bank fraud in Jordan. He has always denied any wrongdoing. "You had to treat them with suspicion," another former MidEast station chief said of Chalabi's people. "INC has a track record of manipulating information because it has an agenda. It's a political unit, not an intelligence agency."
      [ Just like OSP ]

    In Aug. 1995, General Hussein Kamel in charge of Iraq's weapons pgm defected to Jordan with his brother Colonel Saddam Kamel. They brought with them crates of documents containing detailed information about Iraqi efforts to develop weapons of mass destruction, much unknown to U.N. inspection teams on the job since 1991 and were interviewed at length by U.N. inspectors. In 1996, Saddam Hussein lured the brothers back with a promise of forgiveness, then killed them. Kamels' information became a major element in Bush admin campaign to convince public of U.N. inspections' failure.
    Pres. GWBush in Oct. 2002 Cincinnati speech cited Kamel defections as moment when Saddam's regime "was forced to admit that it had produced more than 30K liters of anthrax & other deadly biological agents. … This is a massive stockpile of biological weapons that has never been accounted for, and is capable of killing millions." A couple of weeks earlier VP Cheney declared Hussein Kamel's story "should serve as a reminder to all that we often learned more as the result of defections than we learned from the inspection regime itself."

    Full record of Hussein Kamel's interview with the inspectors reveals, however, he also said that Iraq's stockpile of chemical & biological warheads, manufactured before 1991 Gulf War, had been destroyed, in many cases in response to ongoing inspections. 8.22.95 interview was conducted by then U.N. inspection teams exec. chair Rolf Ekeus and 2 sr associates Nikita Smidovich & Maurizio Zifferaro. "You have an important role in Iraq," Kamel said, according to the record, which was assembled from notes taken by Smidovich. "You should not underestimate yourself. You are very effective in Iraq."
    When Smidovich noted U.N. teams had not found "any traces of destruction," Kamel responded, "Yes, it was done before you came in." He also said that Iraq had destroyed its arsenal of warheads. "We gave instructions not to produce chemical weapons," Kamel explained later in the debriefing. "I don't remember resumption of chemical- weapons production before the Gulf War. Maybe it was only minimal production & filling. … All chemical weapons were destroyed. I ordered destruction of all chemical weapons. All weapons, biological, chemical, missile, nuclear, were destroyed."

    Kamel also cast doubt on 1994 defector Iraqi nuclear scientist Dr. Khidhir Hamza's testimony. Hamza settled in U.S. with INC help and was highly vocal witness concerning Iraq's alleged nuclear ambitions. Kamel told U.N. interviewers, however, that Hamza was "a professional liar." He went on, "He worked with us, but he was useless and always looking for promotions. He consulted with me but could not deliver anything. … He was even interrogated by a team before he left and was allowed to go."
    After his defection, Hamza became Washington disarmament group Institute for Science & Intl Security sr fellow whose president, David Albright, was former U.N. weapons inspector. In 1998, Albright told me, he and Hamza sent publishers a proposal for a book tentatively entitled "Fizzle: Iraq & the Atomic Bomb," which described how Iraq had failed in its quest for a nuclear device. There were no takers, Albright said, and Hamza eventually "started exaggerating his experiences in Iraq." The 2 men broke off contact.

    In 2000, Hamza published "Saddam's Bombmaker," vivid account claiming by 1991, when the Gulf War began, Iraq was far closer than had been known to the production of a nuclear weapon. Washington journalist Jeff Stein who collaborated on the book told me Hamza's account was "absolutely on the level, allowing for the fact that any memoir puts the author at the center of events, and therefore there is some exaggeration."
    Former CIA head James Woolsey said of Hamza, "I think highly of him and I have no reason to disbelieve the claims that he's made." Hamza could not be reached for comment. On 4.26.03, according to the Times, he returned to Iraq as a member of a group of exiles designated by the Pentagon to help rebuild the country's infrastructure. He is to be responsible for atomic energy.

    Advantages & disadvantages of relying on defectors has been a perennial source of dispute within American intelligence community, as Shulsky himself noted in 1991 textbook on intelligence he co-authored. Despite their importance, he wrote, "it is difficult to be certain that they are genuine. … Conflicting information provided by several major Soviet defectors to U.S. … has never been completely sorted out; it bedeviled U.S. intelligence for a quarter of a century."
    Defectors can provide unique insight into a repressive system. But volunteer sources, as Shulsky writes, "may be greedy; they may also be somewhat unbalanced people who wish to bring some excitement into their lives; they may desire to avenge what they see as ill treatment by their govt; or they may be subject to blackmail." There is a strong incentive to tell interviewers what they want to hear.

    With Pentagon support, Chalabi's INC worked to put defectors with compelling stories in touch with reporters in the U.S. & Europe. Resulting articles had dramatic accounts of advances in weapons of mass destruction or told of ties to terrorist groups. In some cases, these stories were disputed in analyses by CIA. Misstatements & inconsistencies in INC defector accounts were also discovered after the final series of U.N. weapons inspections, which ended a few days before the American assault.

    Cambridge Univ. political science lecturer Dr. Glen Rangwala compiled & examined information made public & concluded U.N. inspections failed to find evidence to support the defectors' claims. For example, many newspapers published extensive interviews with civil engineer Adnan Ihsan Saeed al-Haideri who, with INC help, fled Iraq in 2001, and subsequently claimed he visited 20 hidden facilities he believed were built for the production of biological & chemical weapons. One, he said, was underneath a hospital in Baghdad.
    Haideri was apparently a source for Sec.State Powell's claim, in his presentation to UN Security Council 2.5.03 that U.S. had "firsthand descriptions" of mobile factories capable of producing vast quantities of biological weapons. U.N. teams returned to Iraq last winter were unable to verify any of al-Haideri's claims. In a statement to the Security Council in March, on the eve of war, U.N. chief weapons inspector Hans Blix noted his teams had physically examined the hospital & other sites with the help of ground-penetrating radar equipt. "No underground facilities for chemical or biological production or storage were found so far," he said.

    Almost immediately after 9.11.01, INC began to publicize defectors' stories who claimed information connecting Iraq to the attacks. In 10.14.01 joint Times & public TV pgm "Frontline" interview, Iraqi Army captain Sabah Khodada said 9.11.01 "was conducted by people who were trained by Saddam," and Iraq had a program to instruct terrorists in hijacking. Another defector, identified only as retired Iraqi intelligence service Lt general, said in 2000 he witnessed Arab students given hijacking lessons on a Boeing 707 parked at Iraqi training camp near the town of Salman Pak, south of Baghdad.
    In separate interviews with me, however, former CIA station chief & former military intelligence analyst said that the camp near Salman Pak had been built not for terrorism training but for counter-terrorism training. In mid 1980s, Islamic terrorists routinely hijacked aircraft. In 1986, an Iraqi airliner was seized by pro-Iranian extremists and crashed after a hand grenade was triggered, killing at least 65 people. At the time, Iran and Iraq were at war, and America favored Iraq.

    Iraq then sought assistance from the West, and got what it wanted from Britain's MI6. CIA offered similar training in counter-terrorism throughout MidEast. "We were helping our allies everywhere we had a liaison," the former station chief told me. Inspectors recalled seeing the body of an airplane which appeared to be used for counter-terrorism training when they visited a biological-weapons facility near Salman Pak in 1991, 10 years before 9.11.01.
    It is, of course, possible for such a camp to be converted from one purpose to another. The former CIA official noted, however, that terrorists would not practice on airplanes in the open. "That's Hollywood rinky-dink stuff," the former agent said. "They train in basements. You don't need a real airplane to practice hijacking. 9.11.01 terrorists went to gyms. But to take one back you have to practice on the real thing."
    Salman Pak was overrun by American troops on April 6th. Apparently, neither the camp nor the former biological facility has yielded evidence to substantiate the claims made before the war.

    Former Bush admin intelligence official recalled a case in which Chalabi's group, working with Pentagon, produced Iraq defector interviewed overseas by DIA agent. The agent relied on an interpreter supplied by Chalabi's people. Last summer, the DIA report, which was classified, was leaked. In a detailed account, London Times described how defector trained with al Qaeda terrorists in late 1990s at secret camps in Iraq, how the Iraqis received instructions in the use of chemical & biological weapons, and how the defector was given a new identity & relocated.
    A month later, CIA team of agents went to interview the man with their own interpreter. "He says, 'No, that's not what I said,'" the former intelligence official told me. "He said, 'I worked at a fedayeen camp; it wasn't al Qaeda.' He never saw any chemical or biological training." Afterward, the former official said, "the C.I.A. sent out a piece of paper saying that this information was incorrect. They put it in writing." CIA rebuttal, like the original report, was classified. "I remember wondering whether this one would leak and correct the earlier, invalid leak. Of course, it didn't."

    The former intelligence official went on, "One of the reasons I left was my sense that they were using the CIA intelligence & other agencies' only when it fit their agenda. They didn't like the intelligence they were getting, and so they brought in people to write the stuff. They were so crazed and so far out and so difficult to reason with to the point of being bizarre. Dogmatic, as if they were on a mission from God." He added, "If it doesn't fit their theory, they don't want to accept it."
    Shulsky's work has deep theoretical underpinnings. Son of nationally syndicated business columnist Sam, Shulsky's academic & think-tank writings long been critical of American intelligence community. During Cold War, his area of expertise was Soviet disinformation techniques. Like Wolfowitz, he was Univ. of Chicago student of Leo Strauss. Both men received their doctorates under Strauss in 1972.

    Nazi Germany refugee Strauss arrived 1937 in U.S. and trained in history of political philosophy. He became a foremost conservative émigré scholar, widely known for his argument that works of ancient philosophers contain deliberately concealed esoteric meanings whose truths can be comprehended only by a very few, and would be misunderstood by the masses. Straussian movement has many adherents in & around Bush admin. In addition to Wolfowitz, they include Weekly Standard ed. Wm Kristol, and DoD Intelligence under-secretary Stephen Cambone who is particularly close to Rumsfeld.
    Strauss's influence on foreign-policy decision-making (he never wrote explicitly about the subject himself) is usually discussed in terms of his tendency to view the world as a place where isolated liberal democracies live in constant danger from hostile elements abroad, and face threats that must be confronted vigorously and with strong leadership.

    How Strauss's views might be applied to the intelligence-gathering process is less immediately obvious. As it happens, Shulsky himself explored that question in a 1999 essay, written with Gary Schmitt, entitled "Leo Strauss and the World of Intelligence (By Which We Do Not Mean Nous)"; in Greek philosophy the term nous denotes the highest form of rationality. In the essay, Shulsky & Schmitt write that Strauss's "gentleness, his ability to concentrate on detail, his consequent success in looking below the surface and reading between the lines, and his seeming unworldliness … may even be said to resemble, however faintly, John le Carré novels' George Smiley".
    Echoing one of Strauss's major themes, Shulsky & Schmitt criticize America's intelligence community for its failure to appreciate the duplicitous nature of the regimes it deals with, its susceptibility to social-science notions of proof, and its inability to cope with deliberate concealment. CIA analysts, Shulsky & Schmitt argue, "were generally reluctant throughout the Cold War to believe they could be deceived about any critical question by Soviet Union or other Communist states. History has shown this view to have been extremely naïve." They suggested political philosophy, with emphasis on variety of regimes, as "antidote" to CIA failings in understanding Islamic leaders, "whose intellectual world was so different from our own."

    Strauss's idea of hidden meaning, Shulsky & Schmitt added, "alerts one to the possibility that political life may be closely linked to deception. Indeed, it suggests that deception is the norm in political life, and the hope, to say nothing of the expectation, of establishing a politics that can dispense with it is the exception." Committee on Social Thought chair Robert Pippin at Chicago, critic of Strauss, told me, "Strauss believed that good statesmen have powers of judgment and must rely on an inner circle. The person who whispers in the ear of the King is more important than the King. If you have that talent, what you do or say in public cannot be held accountable in the same way."
    NYU law prof. Stephen Holmes, another Strauss critic, put Straussians' position this way: "They believe that your enemy is deceiving you, and you have to pretend to agree, but secretly you follow your own views." Holmes added, "The whole story is complicated by Strauss's idea, actually Plato's, that philosophers need to tell noble lies not only to the people at large but also to powerful politicians."

    When I asked staunch Strauss defender Chicago political science prof. emeritus Joseph Cropsey about use of Strauss's views in the area of policymaking, he told me that common sense alone suggested that a certain amount of deception is essential in govt. "That people in govt have to be discreet in what they say publicly is so obvious, 'If I tell you the truth I can't but help the enemy.'" But there is nothing in Strauss's work, he added, that "favors preëmptive action. What it favors is prudence & sound judgment. If you could have got rid of Hitler in the 1930s, who's not going to be in favor of that? You don't need Strauss to reach that conclusion."

    Some former intelligence officials believe Shulsky & his superiors were captives of their own convictions merely deceiving themselves. Former CIA counter-terrorism operations & analysis chief Vincent Cannistraro worked with Shulsky at Washington think tank after his retirement. He said, "Abe is very gentle & slow to anger, with a sense of irony. But his politics were typical for his group, the Straussian view." The group's members, Cannistraro said, "reinforce each other because they're the only friends they have, and they all work together since 1980s, but they've never been able to coalesce as they have now. 9.11.01 gave them opportunity; now they're in heaven. They believe the intelligence is there. They want to believe it. It has to be there."

    Rising OSP was accompanied by decline in CIA & DIA influence. One internal Pentagon memorandum went so far as to suggest that terrorism experts in govt & outside deliberately "downplayed or sought to disprove" link between al Qaeda & Iraq. "For many years, there has been a bias in the intelligence community" against defectors, the memorandum said. It urged 2 analysts working with Shulsky be given the authority to "investigate linkages to Iraq" by having access to the "proper debriefing of key Iraqi defectors."
    Former CIA task force leader & Bush admin consultant said many CIA analysts are convinced that Chalabi group's defector reports on weapons of mass destruction & al Qaeda produced little of value, but said that the agency "is not fighting it." He said DIA studied the information as well. "Even the D.I.A. can't find any value in it." Pentagon, asked for comment, denied there were disputes between CIA &OSP over validity of intelligence.

    In interviews, former CIA officers & analysts described the agency as increasingly demoralized. "George knows he's being beaten up," one former officer said of CIA dir. George Tenet. "His analysts are terrified. George used to protect his people, but he's been forced to do things their way." Because CIA analysts are now on defensive, "they write reports justifying their intelligence rather than saying what's going on. Defense Dept & office of VP write their own pieces, based on their own ideology. We collect so much stuff that you can find anything you want."
    "They see themselves as outsiders, " former C.I.A. expert who spent past decade immersed in Iraqi-exile affairs said of OSP people. He added, "There's a high degree of paranoia. They've convinced themselves that they're on the side of angels, and everybody else in govt is a fool."

    More than a year's worth of increasingly bitter debate over value & integrity of OSP intelligence came to a halt in March, when Pres. GWBush authorized war against Iraq. After weeks of fighting, Saddam Hussein's regime collapsed, leaving American forces to declare victory against backdrop of disorder & uncertainty about the country's future. Ahmad Chalabi & INC continued to provoke fights within Bush admin. Pentagon flew Chalabi & hundreds of his supporters, heavily armed, into Iraq, amid tight security, over angry objections from the State Dept. Chalabi is now establishing himself in Baghdad. His advocates in the Pentagon point out that he is not only a Shiite, like the majority of Iraqis, but also, as one scholar put it, "a completely Westernized businessman" (he emigrated to England with his parents in 1958, when he was a boy), which is one reason the State Dept doubts whether he can gain support among Iraqis.

    Chalabi is not the only point of contention. Failure to find weapons of mass destruction in places where the Pentagon's sources confidently predicted they would be found reanimated debate on quality of OSP intelligence. Former high-level intelligence official told me American Special Forces units sent into Iraq in mid-March before start of air & ground war to investigate suspected sites of missile or chemical & biological weapon storage depots "came up with nothing," the official said. "Never found a single Scud."
    Since then, false alarms and a tip that weapons may have been destroyed in the last days before the war, but no solid evidence. 4.22.03 Hans Blix, hours before he asked U.N. Security Council to send his team back to Iraq, told BBC, "I think it's been one of the disturbing elements that so much of the intelligence on which the capitals built their case seemed to have been so shaky."

    Pentagon adviser to OSP told me he believed that the delay "means nothing. We've got to wait to get all the answers from Iraqi scientists who will tell us where they are." Similarly, Pentagon official who works for Luti said last week, "I think they're hidden in the mountains or transferred to some friendly countries. Saddam had enough time to move them." There were suggestions from the Pentagon that Saddam might be shipping weapons over the border to Syria.
    "It's bait & switch," the former high-level intelligence official said. "Bait them into Iraq with weapons of mass destruction. When they aren't found, there's this whole bullshit about the weapons being in Syria." In Congress, sr legislative aide said, "Some members are beginning to ask & wonder, but cautiously." For now, he told me, "Cong. members don't have the confidence to say that the Administration is off base." He also commented, "For many, it makes little difference. We vanquished a bad guy and liberated the Iraqi people. Some are astute enough to recognize that the alleged imminent WMD threat to the U.S. was a pretext. I sometimes have to pinch myself when friends or family ask with incredulity about the lack of WMD, and remind myself that the average person has the idea that there are mountains of the stuff over there, ready to be tripped over. The more time elapses, the more people are going to wonder about this, but I don't think it will sway U.S. public opinion much. Everyone loves to be on the winning side."

    Weapons may yet be found. Iraq is a big country, as the admin repeatedly pointed out in recent weeks. In a speech last week, Pres. GWBush said, "We've begun search for hidden chemical & biological weapons, and already know of hundreds of sites that will be investigated." Meanwhile, if the American advance hasn't uncovered stashes of weapons of mass destruction, it has turned up additional graphic evidence of the brutality of the regime. Saddam Hussein's cruelty was documented long before 9.11.01, and was not the principal reason Bush admin gave to the world for the necessity of war.
    Former Sen. Bob Kerrey, Senate Intelligence Committee Democrat, has been a strong supporter of the President's decision to overthrow Saddam. "I do think building a democratic secular state in Iraq justifies everything we've done," Kerrey, now New School University president in New York, told me. "But they've taken the intelligence on weapons and expanded it beyond what was justified." Speaking of the hawks, he said, "It appeared that they understood to get the American people on their side they needed to come up with something more to say than 'We've liberated Iraq and got rid of a tyrant.' So they had to find some ties to weapons of mass destruction and were willing to allow a majority of Americans to incorrectly conclude that the invasion of Iraq had something to do with the World Trade Center.

    Overemphasizing the national-security threat made it more difficult to get the rest of the world on our side. It was the weakest & most misleading argument we could use." Kerrey added, "It appears that they have the intelligence. The problem is, they didn't like the conclusions."

    Tell us another one, Mr. Vice President
    Cheney is still trying to link Iraq with Al Qaeda & 9/11.
    4.12.07   Sen. Carl Levin D-MI, Senate Armed Services Committee chair L.A. Times

    On Rush Limbaugh's radio program last week, VP Cheney spoke about Jordanian terrorist Abu Musab Zarqawi and stated: "He went to Baghdad. He took up residence there before we ever launched into Iraq, organized the Al Qaeda operations inside Iraq. … This is Al Qaeda operating in Iraq and, as I say, they were present before we invaded Iraq."
    It is incredible that more than 4 years after the invasion, the vice president is still trying to convince the public that Saddam Hussein's regime was connected to Al Qaeda and that Zarqawi's presence in Iraq was evidence of a connection.

    While the vice president doesn't say directly that there was a tie between the two, his clear purpose is to blur the line between Al Qaeda, perpetrator of the 9/11 attacks, and the Iraqi dictator in order to justify the war in Iraq.
    The problem is, that's simply not supported by the facts or by our intelligence community; everyone except the vice president acknowledges it. In September, for example, the Senate Intelligence Committee concluded in a bipartisan report that Hussein was "distrustful of Al Qaeda and viewed Islamic extremists as a threat to his regime, refusing all requests from Al Qaeda to provide material or operational support."

    The CIA reported a year earlier in Oct. 2005 that the Iraqi regime "did not have a relationship, harbor or turn a blind eye toward Zarqawi and his associates". As the Intelligence Committee report noted, the Iraqi intelligence service was actually trying to capture Zarqawi, who was in Baghdad under an alias.
    Is the vice president willfully ignoring what the rest of the government has concluded? Or does he have access to information he hasn't shared with us? If so, he should produce it.

    The vice president has a clear, documented pattern of overstating and misstating information with regard to Iraq. He also, for instance, continued to claim that 9/11 terrorist Mohamed Atta may have met with an Iraqi agent in Prague long after the intelligence community believed otherwise.
    Again, his obvious purpose is to link Hussein's regime with Sept. 11, even though the rest of the world has concluded that no such link exists.

    The vice president has made so many outlandish statements that the country barely raised an eyebrow at his false statement last week. The public has stopped believing the words of a man who promised, before we invaded Iraq, that we would be "greeted as liberators" and reassured us nearly 2 years ago that the insurgency was in its "last throes."
    But his comments continue to erode our credibility with the international community, which has already been severely damaged by our rush to war with Iraq with little international support.
    If, in the months ahead, we face a crisis over Iran's weapons programs and need to rally the international community, we may find that the world has little interest in trusting an administration that misstates facts.

    By all accounts, Dick Cheney is one of the most powerful vice presidents in our history, if you define power as influence over policy. We need to ask ourselves: What does it mean for our country when the vice president's words lack credibility, but he still wields great power?
    Wash.D.C.   As VP Dick Cheney prepares for his tour of the Arab world next month, the State Dept's Near East Affairs Bureau is wooing his daughter for a high-level post, UPI has learned. Earlier this month, the State Dept officially offered Elizabeth Cheney-Perry a job as the deputy assistant secretary of state for Near East affairs for regional economic issues, according to State Dept & administration officials. These officials, who spoke on condition of anonymity, tell UPI the new post was created specifically for the vice president's daughter, adding that she will work primarily on economic development in the Middle East.
    "We are delighted to have her join our team," a State Dept official told UPI on Thursday. "She brings a strong legal & economic background to the job." Another State Dept official said Cheney-Perry was expected to start work in April, though other sources at the dept say she has yet to formally accept the offer. The vice president's office and the Near East Affairs Bureau have clashed repeatedly on Middle East policy. For example, shortly after Israel seized a cargo ship loaded with weapons headed for the Palestinian territories, the vice president's office suggested diplomatically isolating Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat. The State Dept, on the other hand, favored a softer line of criticizing Arafat in public but not making policy changes. The vice president's staff has also supported a much more aggressive policy on Iraq, such as sponsoring activities by U.S.-supported rebels inside the country. The State Dept until this week however had blocked all U.S. funding for such plans.

    The vice president's office did not return telephone calls Thursday about Cheney-Perry's appointment, and a White House spokesman referred UPI's inquiry to the State Dept. Cheney-Perry graduated from the University of Chicago Law School in 1996 and has since worked on international development issues at the Washington offices of White & Case, a law firm specializing in international law with offices on 5 continents. Prior to attending law school, Cheney-Perry worked for the State Dept and the U.S. Agency for Intl Development between 1989 & 1993. After 1993, she took a job at Armitage Associates LLP, the consulting firm founded by the current deputy secretary of state, Richard Armitage. "She is actually an Armitage person, which a lot of people at the dept are," one senior State Dept official told UPI on Thursday.

    Dick Cheney & Yale: ill-suited match
    9.9.00   Charles Forelle
    Yale Daily News

    … Thomas Stroock (Yale) '48, Natrona County school board president at time, remembers Cheney & Fake as "the 2 outstanding young men of the time, scholars & athletes" in a graduating class of about 1,000. Stroock ran an oil & gas exploration business in Casper and was something of a father figure to the 2 boys. He was also an alumni representative for Yale, and he recruited them to come to New Haven. …

    Clues to understanding Dick Cheney
    12.22.02   James Carney Time   ¹

    … Avoiding Vietnam military service with education then marriage deferments, he arrived in Wash.D.C. for the first time in 1968 as U of WI grad student on fellowship. His patron, WI congressman Bill Steiger, sent Cheney on a fact-finding mission to university campuses that had experienced violent antiVietnam war protests.
    … Rep. Steiger made his young charge point man for an informal group of new G.O.P. members trying to create a fresher, more appealing face for the GOP.
    It was nicknamed 'Rummy's Raiders'."

    U.S. DefSec (Cheney) to visit Guatemala
    1.19.92   Cerigua Weekly Briefs

    U.S. DefSec Richard Cheney will visit Guatemala 2.17.92 on invitation of U.S. Amb. Thomas (F.) Stroock, according to informed sources in Wash. DC. Cheney is expected to meet with Defense Minister JoseGarcia and Army Chief of Staff Jorge Perussina as well as other Central American military leaders during his visit to Latin America.

    Internet lampoon of VP Cheney's wife at whitehouse.org by would-be gagster John Wooden parodies Bush administration officials & their spouses through fictitious biographies & news stories. It features a presidential seal using a vulture, rather than an eagle.
    Fed up with Wooden's sense of humor, the vice president told him, via a letter from his lawyer, to delete photos showing his wife, Lynne, wearing a red nose and remove the "biography." The piece describes Lynne Cheney, First Lady Laura Bush and President Bush's mother, Barbara, as "paragons of conjugal subservience."
      [ Neither amusing nor accurate. ]

    Cheney's lawyer, David Addington, told Wooden it was "important to avoid portraying [Lynne Cheney] in a false light," and asked for written confirmation that the material had been deleted. But instead of removing the material, Wooden added an "important legal notice" on his Web site yesterday. The notice said, among other things, that it was untrue that Lynne Cheney was a "crystal meth pusher."
    While the jury's out on Wooden's ability to make anybody laugh, the New York Civil Liberties Union has vowed to protect the site, and sent a letter to Cheney's office yesterday, telling him to lay off.

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