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B | oard room |
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the wise peasant bows deeply and silently farts." ~ | ||
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Although the big two are drawing most of the attention, other competitors are hoping to snare customers as well,
from No. 3 provider EarthLink to Yahoo's new high-speed Internet access service, offered through a partnership
with SBC Communications.
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Microsoft's newest MSN focuses on improving filtering of "spam," or junk e-mail, and beefs up its e-mail program,
one of Microsoft's advantages over AOL, analysts said. The company also honed in on an AOL strength, parental
controls that allow adult supervision of children on the Internet. Microsoft has made its new browser more
customizable, and is throwing in exclusive content from the network's Money pages and other sites.
AOL is letting users include more customization and has greatly enhanced its e-mail program, which still trails
Microsoft's but represents a big improvement, said Jupiter Research sr analyst David Card. Card doubts either
company's latest version will significantly change the competitive landscape, but others say AOL is vulnerable.
"It's almost as if MSN is for grown-ups and AOL is for kids," said Strategic News Service technology newsletter
founder Mark Anderson. "MSN is for more mature economic transactions while AOL is more for media content"
such as pictures of pop stars like Britney Spears.
The question remains whether MSN can keep the customers it lures. According to a June report by Forrester
Research, MSN retained 43% of its subscribers from 2000 to 2001, while 79% of AOL's members stayed.
Microsoft disputes Forrester's methodology but clearly hopes MSN improves the numbers. |
2.25.03 AP As growth slows for Microsoft's main products, the Redmond-based software superpower has been aggressively expanding into new realms, investing billions in everything from selling video-game consoles to loaning small businesses money to buy its software. Those new ventures, however, are losing millions of dollars and creating tensions with such big-name companies as IBM and Sony. Meanwhile, slower profit growth and a now-listless stock price has intensified pressure on Microsoft to find a fiscal fountain of youth. "It's become extremely critical for them to grow these other segments," said Giga Information Group analyst Rob Enderle. "Otherwise the (stock) market will not be kind to them."
Microsoft maintains its growth prospects are strong. At an analysts' conference last month, chief financial officer
John Connors pledged "incredible products that change the world." Still, Connors acknowledged the question that
has been hounding Microsoft lately: whether "those products translate into the kind of profitability we've had from
some of the very incredible products we've done historically." Microsoft also continues to outpace the rest of the industry, pulling out profits while others desperately try to stem losses. For the second half of 2002, Microsoft earned a $5.3 billion profit on record revenue of $16.3 billion. "They truly have been defying gravity by showing growth & strong financial performance at a time when (information technology) spending was down," said Wells Fargo Securities software analyst Eric Upin. |
In addition, with the market for personal computers drastically slowing, there are fewer customers for Windows.
Analysts also say Microsoft will have a tougher time showing customers why they need costly upgrades to their
Windows or Office software. Perhaps the biggest sign of Microsoft's maturing came in Jan. 2003 when the co.
announced its first-ever dividend, which analysts see as a response to increased frustrations among investors
over the stagnating stock price while Microsoft hoards $43.4 billion in cash reserves.
Some say issuing a dividend is like admitting you can't throw a fastball. Microsoft's decision to split its stock
in Feb. at prices lower than previous splits was seen by some as an effort to jump-start trading and regain
the pattern of acrobatic leaps of the stock's younger days.
The moves are focusing attention on where the money is coming from and where it's not. MS Windows, Office and
Server businesses collectively provided 81% of co. revenues for second half 2002. The 3 sectors also boast
huge operating profit margins of 83%, 78% and 32%, respectively.
From there, it's all about pouring money into areas Microsoft believes will someday deliver profits. The 4 money
losing businesses, MSN Internet Service, Home & Entertainment segment incl Xbox, Business Solutions for
smaller companies and CE/Mobility software for wireless devices, brought in a $3.2 billion combined in revenues
but lost a little over $1 billion for the 6 months. Those figures don't include another $905 million in losses that can't
be attributed to any one business unit.
In many of its businesses, Microsoft is doing battle with some established competitors, incl Sony video-
game business, Nokia & Palm in wireless, IBM in selling software & services for companies and AOL
Time Warner, CNN's parent co. in the Internet access market.
Many have been bruised in previous brushes with Microsoft, and none intend to let a co. synonymous with
monopoly gain a dominant foothold in their industries. Victory Capital Management research analyst Marty
Shagrin wonders: How far are those money-losing Microsoft businesses from profitability and are they worth the
effort? "I don't think they're out in left field in what they're doing," Shagrin said. "It's just the economics of it aren't
clear yet."
2.8.03 AP
Torrance, CA The federal govt has closed the failed Southern Pacific Bank, casting doubt over the
future of more than $30 million in deposits. Southern Pacific was the first failure this year of a bank backed by the
Federal Deposit Insurance Corp., officials said. Its 3 Torrance
offices are expected to reopen this week under Beal Bank of Plano, Texas. Customers of Southern Pacific will
become Beal customers. |
5.18.03 Matt Marshall San Jose Mercury News Others feel burned by VCs. They say VCs pushed entrepreneurs in too many directions during the boom years, pressing them to sell products for more than they were worth, hire too many people and pitch to too many customers before they were ready. Former entrepreneur Fred Gibbons, who lectures at Stanford University and gives advice to entrepreneurs launching new companies, calls them the lost generation, suffering from broken fortunes, egos and relationships. "There's a bunch of entrepreneurs who felt they weren't helped," he says. Whatever the reasons, "they're hiding under rocks," he says. |
"There really is no point in taking the money," said WebTV & Moxi Digital founder Steve Perlman, now at
several stealth projects incl 2 technology ventures. Taking time to shop around for investors, and then account to
them while his idea is still forming, would be a hassle, he said. Using his own money is risky, he concedes, but it's
"much more fun.
Instead of spending my days making presentations, I spend my days creating stuff."
He doesn't know anyone taking VC money for new ideas, he said.
One of his confidants is former Microsoft exec. Phil Goldman, whose Los Gatos start-up is building an anti-spam
product. Costs of operating a co. have dropped to about one-tenth of what they were before, he estimates, with
rent, computer equipt, Internet bandwidth and workers dirt cheap.
Entrepreneurs forced to rely on VCs, he says, are unable to get VC money without months of distraction. Take the
case of Redwood Shores' Visto CEO Brian Begosian, . It took him 9 months to win a commitment from Oak
Investment Partners, but it was contingent on him raising more money from other VCs. He raised the necessary
$24 million, but then Oak sent him out again, to raise an additional $6 million. Like many other advanced
companies, Visto needs the capital. "The co. is building quickly now," he said. "We require capital to continue the
business."
Indeed, many VCs scoff at the notion that start-ups can expand without capital. They say it's popular to demonize
VCs, but that VCs add value by helping provide a veteran's advice, and opening up their extensive Rolodex.
"There's no alternative strategy," says US Venture Partners partner David Liddle. "Now it's a marathon. You've got
to have venture guys to take you all the way." He concedes, though, that some people are bootstrapping
companies with their own cash.
Still, VCs clearly aren't getting the respect they used to. Tribe Networks' Pincus says a VC recently called him
wanting to invest in another co. Pincus helped form, Friendster, an online dating outfit. Relying on word-of-mouth
advertising, and a shoestring budget, the co. doesn't require capital. But the VC asked Pincus if his team would
come to the VC's office to present Friendster.
"I had to laugh," says Pincus, referring to the assumption that the start-up needed money that badly. In fact, Pincus
didn't even tell Friendster's chief executive. Similar stories abound: another former Apple engineer &
entrepreneur Paul Mercer learned lessons at his previous co., Pixo. Each time he raised money, he had to give up
more control, and that hurt when divisions arose around strategy. His new Palo Alto co. Iventor turned down an
offer from a local VC firm, he said. It is building Java software for next-generation devices, and his small team is
running at such a low burn rate that he doesn't need more capital.
Entrepreneur Konstantin Othmer launched his co. Core Mobility 2 years ago, and employs more than 30 engineers
in Palo Alto working on cell-phone software. The start-up looks the part: Employees dress in T-shirts & jeans.
Their dogs freely roam the halls. Rooms are packed to the ceiling with computer equipt & furniture the co.
acquired from 5 dot-com fire sales.
Othmer's previous co. Full Circle Software raised $60 million from firms like Benchmark & Menlo Ventures
during the bubble. This time, he hasn't raised a dime, despite several offers. Othmer closed a deal with one
customer last year and has focused on making that customer happy. He charges a reasonable price, and is already
in the black. VCs, he says, would likely force him to sell aggressively to more customers, spreading him too thin,
too early. "If you take VC money, you have a split focus.
It's a different kind of growth," he says.
Venture backing might help convince his customers that Core Mobility will stay in business, Othmer acknowledges.
However, if those same customers knew that Core was sitting comfortably on a pile of VC money, they'd assume it
was willing to provide its products for free, desperate to show its VCs it has won more customers.
Instead, the start-up has found other creative ways to bootstrap. It has outsourced jobs to cheaper
labor in India. Othmer snapped up office space that came with computer equipt, office furniture and even
people (who had lost their jobs, and were willing to work for him). More recently, he negotiated rock-bottom rent of
less than $1.50 a square foot. Facing a $10,000 charge by the city of Palo Alto to route a fiber cable to his office for
fast Internet connections, Othmer instead relied on a 10-megabit Internet bandwidth wireless connection beamed
from a friend.
That friend is frugal entrepreneur Peter Hoddie, whose own Palo Alto co., Kinoma, is also going without venture
capital. Hoddie's previous co. raised $12 million, and officially filed for dissolution last month. All he'll say about his
relationship with the VCs is: "I'm happy there are no lawsuits." The former Apple engineer said he's part of a
generation of entrepreneurs who had to learn the hard way about what VCs do and don't do well. If you need
money, you go to VCs, he says.
The mortgage lender said it would further tighten its loan standards and make fewer large mortgages. Those moves could make it harder to get a home loan and further depress the housing market in California and other states.
The parent firm borrowed $11.5 billion Thursday by using up an existing line of credit from 40 banks, saying the money would help the lender meet its funding needs and continue to grow. But stock investors, apparently alarmed that the company felt compelled to use the credit line, sent Countrywide's already battered stock down an additional 11%.
Bill Ashmore drove his Porsche Cayenne to Countrywide's Laguna Niguel office and waited half an hour to cash out $500,000, which he then wired to an account at Bank of America.
Customers, most of whom said they were acting just in case, said they went to the lightly staffed branches because they couldn't get through to the bank via its toll-free number or its slow-moving website.
In a statement, the bank said: "It is very important to remember that Countrywide Bank is well capitalized, with FDIC-insured deposits, and is one of the largest banks in the United States, with assets over $107 billion."
Countrywide said it planned to fund more mortgages through Countrywide Bank and have the bank invest in certain loans that Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac won't buy, such as "jumbo" mortgages, which in California are defined as those over $417,000.
Company executives declined to discuss how the heavy withdrawals at Countrywide Bank branches Thursday might interfere with that strategy. Mortgage industry executives, however, said that although Countrywide Bank was the nation's third-largest savings and loan, after Washington Mutual and Wachovia Bank's World Savings unit, it was far too small to absorb the entire $20 billion a month in nonconforming loans Countrywide Financial produced.
"The implication will be declining home prices, higher foreclosures, a significant slowdown in spending by consumers," he said. As home sales fall further, "ultimately job growth will slowly deteriorate."
"I'm at the age where I can't afford to take the risk," a 69-year-old retiree who asked not to be identified said after transferring money out of his money market account. "I'll gladly put it back as soon as I know the storm is over."
In Laguna Niguel, Ashmore, the Impac Mortgage president, remarked on how the credit problems stemming from sub-prime loans had filtered down to a local bank branch.
But they're not good at being patient. "They believe if you throw more people at an idea, it develops faster," he
said. "That's not true." Many successful companies, he says, incl Google, Netscape, Yahoo and eBay, took time to
develop their offerings before raising venture capital. At Kinoma, Hoddie says he's happy with a slower but more
sustainable pace. He retained rights to the video player technology that was neglected at his former co., has
continued to enhance it, and is now licensing to Palm & Sony.
VCs, he worries, would force him to try to sell the product at excessive prices, which would drive away customers.
"It would be a vicious cycle.
We could get so distracted trying to score some big, unrealistic deal that we could end up with no business at all."
A rush to pull out cash
mortgage meltdown ¹
ª
Anxious customers jammed the phone lines and website of Countrywide Bank and crowded its branch offices to pull out their savings because of concerns about the financial problems of the mortgage lender that owns the bank.
Worried about the stability of mortgage giant Countrywide Financial, depositors crowd branches. In Laguna Niguel, Bill Ashmore drove his Porsche Cayenne to the bank's office and waited half an hour to cash out $500,000. "It's got my wife totally freaked out", he said.
8.17.07 E. Scott Reckard, A. Haddad, A. Chang L.A. Times
Countrywide Financial Corp., biggest home-loan company in the nation, sought Thursday to assure depositors and the financial industry that both it and its bank were fiscally stable. Federal regulators said they weren't alarmed by the volume of withdrawals from the bank.
The rush to withdraw money by depositors that included a former Los Angeles Kings star hockey player and an executive of a rival home-loan company came a day after fears arose that Countrywide Financial could file for bankruptcy protection because of a worsening credit crunch stemming from the sub-prime mortgage meltdown.
At Countrywide Bank offices, in a scene rare since the U.S. savings-and-loan crisis ended in the early '90s, so many people showed up to take out some or all of their money that in some cases they had to leave their names. In West Los Angeles, a Countrywide supervisor brought in from another office served coffee to more than 25 people waiting calmly for their turn with the one clerk who could help them.
"It's because of the fear of the bankruptcy," said Ashmore, president of Irvine's Impac Mortgage Holdings, which escaped bankruptcy itself recently by shutting down virtually all its lending and laying off hundreds of employees.
"It's got my wife totally freaked out," he said. "I just don't want to deal with it. I don't care about losing 90 days' interest, I don't care if it's FDIC-insured; I just want it out."
"I doubt it will go under, but I want to protect myself," said Rogie Vachon, who was the Kings' most valuable player for several years in the '70s. Vachon said he went to the West L.A. branch to withdraw some money because his account balance exceeded the limit on insurance provided by the Federal Deposit Insurance Corp.
Countrywide Bank has 93 branches in 12 states, according to its website with 25 locations in California.
The bank added that it had significant access to outside capital and was still highly rated by debt-rating firms. As for parent firm Countrywide Financial, the mortgage giant said draining its credit line would allow it to continue operations while refocusing its business on the "plain vanilla" mortgage loans that can be sold to Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, govt sponsored mortgage finance companies.
Countrywide recently was funding about $40 billion a month in mortgages. Of those, about half qualified to be sold to Freddie Mac or Fannie Mae, and half were "nonconforming" loans the agencies don't buy, including sub-prime mortgages to higher-risk borrowers as well as jumbo loans, which account for 43% of all mortgages issued in Southern California.
As a result, the company is likely to make fewer loans while applying more stringent criteria in deciding who gets them, a transition that could further pinch the strained housing market. In recent months, sales of high-end houses have been stronger than those for cheaper homes. Now, with a pullback in larger loans by Countrywide and other major lenders, the weakness at the low end is likely to spread upward, said Chapman University's Anderson Center for Economic Research dir. Esmael Adibi.
Those long-term concerns weren't the first thing on the minds of depositors withdrawing money Thursday.
At a branch near Countrywide's corporate headquarters in Calabasas on Thursday, a flood of spooked customers seeking to withdraw their certificates of deposit and money-market accounts overwhelmed the small staff. The Countrywide employees were forced to resort to taking down names and asking people to wait it out or come back later.
After reading news reports of Countrywide's troubles, Elsie Ahrens of Calabasas decided to close two of her CD accounts at Countrywide.
"It's not worth it," said Ahrens, 42. "I don't think it's going to go under, but you never know." Ahrens, who runs a voice and data business, took her money and opened a new account at Bank of America, which she said felt more secure and offered a comparable interest rate.
"It started out with this global credit crunch we've been reading about," he said as another Countrywide depositor left the bank's office. "It's now gotten down to affecting people like him and me who are closing our accounts."
The other depositor shook his head as he climbed into his car. "It's all over," he said, and drove away.
Wall St rebounds as Europe crashes After almost entire day in the red, Dow Jones index of leading shares closed up 28 points, or 0.4%, at 7,552. Earlier in the day, Paris stocks plummeted to levels a little over one third what they were at Sept. 2000 peak. Germany is now in the grips of a market downturn worse than it suffered in the Great Depression, calculations at investment bank Merrill Lynch have revealed.
"There's one word for it - carnage. It's horrible," said GNI London brokerage's Richard Wright. "Nobody has any
confidence. Nobody wants to buy anything. And if they do buy anything they're wrong within about 10 minutes. It's
fairly gloomy."
Report that US crude stocks unexpectedly slumped prompted a rise in NY oil prices. "People felt relatively
comfortable with the idea that the oil price was up, but was coming straight back down again," Mr Thompson said. "But now we know that it isn't going to come down quickly and that will be the basis for more economic weakness."
Germany's Dax index for much of Wednesday was below the 2,200 mark which Merrill Lynch analysts believe
marks the current bear market as worse than that of the 1930s' Great Depression. "70% drop in equity prices since 3.7.00 now threatens to take historic proportion," Merrill Lynch said in a recent report.
Many analysts urged calm amid sell-off with Christows Stockbrokersdir. David Franklin forecasting imminent revival in share prices. "This represents a final sell-off in this stage of the bear market, panic & capitulation in the valley of death," Mr Franklin said. "The low point, and a starting level for a substantial rally is not far away."
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IEA: oil supplies too tight for war
Oil markets 'running on empty' as U.S. readies Iraq attack 3.13.03 AP
Vienna, Austria A surge in world oil output last month has left producer countries with too little spare capacity to fully offset a wartime halt in supplies from Iraq, the International Energy Agency warned. Output
increased 2.5% worldwide in February and oil inventories tightened in major importing nations, the agency said Wednesday. Fears of a U.S.-led attack on Iraq propelled prices to their highest levels since the 1991 Gulf War International oil markets are "running on empty" as war clouds gather again in the Persian Gulf, the
agency said in its monthly oil market report.
The only reliable cushion for consumers may be the 4 billion barrels in strategic stocks of crude that IEA members have amassed for use in an emergency, it added. Tuesday Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries decided to leave its oil production quotas unchanged at 24.5 million barrels a day. OPEC, which pumps about a third of the world's crude, made clear that it would boost its output to try to cover any shortfall arising from a war.
IEA acknowledged efforts by OPEC & independent producers to put additional crude on the market. World
production rose Feb. 2003 by 1.96 million barrels a day to 79.41 million barrels, and OPEC contributed more than
three-fourths of the increase, the agency said. OPEC member Venezuela boosted its daily production by 850,000
barrels as its oil industry continued to recover from a crippling strike. Saudi Arabia's output grew by 330,000 barrels a day, and of OPEC's 11 members, only Iraq & Indonesia failed to pump at higher levels last month, the report said.
OPEC claims to have 2 million to 4 million barrels in additional production capacity. IEA argued that OPEC's
"effective spare capacity", additional crude it could produce on short notice, was much smaller. The agency said
OPEC's effective spare capacity fell last month to 1.72 million barrels a day from 2.37 million barrels in January, as the cartel produced more oil to make up for the outage from Venezuela. With OPEC increasing production to cash in on current high prices, this extra capacity has probably diminished in March to fewer than 1 million barrels a day, the report said. |
"I think that's a vast underestimate," said Barclays Capital commodities research head Kevin Norrish. He argued
high crude prices are discouraging consumption and slowing economic growth. "The risk has got to be that we'll
see a very, very steep fall in demand in the second quarter," Norrish said, echoing OPEC's fears of a possible drop
in prices if Iraqi exports resume quickly after a war.
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AT&T says MCI rerouted U.S. defense calls 8.6.03 AP
NYC Intensifying its claim that MCI compromised national security, AT&T Corp. said Wed. it had new
evidence the carrier improperly routed calls placed by the U.S. military through Canada. Meanwhile MCI hailed a
bankruptcy court's approval of its record $750 million settlement with federal regulators. Judge Arthur Gonzalez's
decision Wednesday was the last of 2 required court approvals for the settlement.
Telecommunications analysts have said simply diverting calls to Canada would not necessarily have made them
more vulnerable to eavesdropping. The dispute began last week when AT&T said it had evidence that calls from
the State Dept and other govt agencies had been routed through Canada. AT&T & other long-distance
competitors have been ferociously fighting efforts by MCI, the former WorldCom Inc., to emerge from the largest
bankruptcy in U.S. history.
While it has promised to investigate any new information, MCI has repeatedly characterized the new charges by
AT&T as no more than a competitive ploy designed to derail the bankruptcy process. Stasia Kelly, named this week
as MCI's new general counsel, hailed the judge's ruling on the SEC settlement as a milestone and said the co. was
looking forward to finishing its bankruptcy case.
Besides the security issue, AT&T contends govt might not have done business with MCI if it knew the carrier was
diverting traffic to Canada. Last week, federal govt suspended all new contracts with the co., calling MCI's ethics
& internal controls inadequate.
As part of its filing with the bankruptcy court, AT&T submitted a list of sample calls it said had been routed through
Canada. It claimed AT&T wound up paying the access fees because of the MCI scheme. The list included 12 calls
placed by the Defense Dept, most of them in July and as recently as 7.28.03. AT&T also said MCI had sent 10 calls
from the office of Rep. Ron Kind D-WI through Canada. |
WorldCom's Capellas was told of tariff evasion, letters show 7.29.03 Bloomberg
WorldCom Inc. chief exec. Michael Capellas was told
by SBC Communications Inc. 3 months ago that his co. was illegally avoiding millions of dollars in access charges,
letters exchanged between the companies show. SBC exec. John Atterbury wrote to Capellas 4.15.03 &
6.12.03, informing him WorldCom, second-largest long- distance provider, was rerouting calls to avoid paying
tariffs to use SBC's local-phone network. WorldCom atty James Lewis wrote back disputing the claims,
according to copies of the letters obtained by Bloomberg News.
The letters show Capellas, who pledged to clean up the co., may have known of wrongdoing before U.S. Justice
Dept began probe of co. call-routing practices. They may bolster efforts of WorldCom's competitors to derail its
plan to emerge from the largest U.S. bankruptcy and add pressure to the U.S. govt to drop the co. as a
supplier. "WorldCom is trying to rebuild trust, and from an ethics perspective this is not necessarily the best
decision making," said DePaul Univ. business ethics prof. Laura Hartman in Chicago.
"Michael has a solid track record of doing the right thing and time will prove that he continues to do so," said
WorldCom spokesman Brad Burns. He said letters to Capellas were immediately forwarded to co. legal dept.
Investigators are focusing on whether WorldCom, changing its name to MCI, avoided paying hundreds of millions
of dollars since 1994 by disguising long-distance calls as local calls. Largest long-distance co.
AT&T today filed papers in U.S. bankruptcy court alleging WorldCom fraudulently diverted calls to Canada to avoid
access charges that were instead paid by AT&T.
Bedminster NJ based AT&T said it will file fraud & racketeering charges against WorldCom.
Capellas, who took the position Dec. 2003, planned to steer WorldCom out of bankruptcy by Oct. 2003. 8.5.03 the
co. seeks approval from NY bankruptcy court for reorganization plan after reaching $750 million SEC fraud
settlement earlier this month.
Verizon earlier today wrote to General Services Admin. Stephen Perry, urging him to suspend WorldCom's $1
billion of contracts with the govt. Calls made by the U.S. govt, WorldCom's biggest customer, were also routed
through AT&T's Canadian network, AT&T said. Perry is reviewing co. contracts. |
SBC, Verizon and BellSouth Corp. last week settled some claims with WorldCom over unpaid access charges
dating back to before the co. filed for Chapt. 11. Burns said the companies meet every month to reconcile tariffs.
In a series of letters between SBC & WorldCom dating back to July 2002, SBC said WorldCom resisted
sending detailed audits of its calling traffic. "They've had blinders on when it comes to this issue," SBC General
Counsel Jim Ellis said in an interview. "Despite their statements that they're going to operate with the highest
ethical standards, their response was not of substance," he said of the April letter to Capellas.
SBC in April & May 2003 conducted tests using fictitious accounts that showed WorldCom was underpaying
$1 million a week of access fees in the local carrier's southwestern U.S. region, one of its 4 territories, Ellis said.
WorldCom & other long-distance companies use networks of local companies to originate & complete
customers' calls. By disguising a connection as a local call, WorldCom could avoid paying fees to access the
network.
WorldCom's Lewis responded to the April letter to Capellas disputing SBC's claim that WorldCom had engaged in a
"general failure to accurately report traffic." He said he would "not respond to the many characterizations" in the
letter. At the time of the exchange, SBC & WorldCom were in talks to settle some of SBC's claims.
In July 2002 letter to John Sidgmore, who took over as chief exec after founder Bernard Ebbers was ousted April
2002, SBC's then COO Stan Sigman said WorldCom had reported disparities in its calling identification when using SBC's Southwestern Bell Telecom Co. lines in TX, MO and KS.
Some calls Southwestern Bell began or ended for WorldCom were identified with electronic signaling. The
remainder needed to be reported by MCI. The letter says MCI reported that 94% of un-signaled calls were
interstate calls, which were substantially cheaper. Level of interstate calls reported by MCI contrasted with the
64% that were identified by signaling. The letter was resent to Capellas in April 2003.
Global finance heads ponder rich-poor gap 9.19.03 AP Dubai, United Arab Emirates Global economic leaders will discuss rebuilding Iraq and cutting off terror funds at a weekend summit, and an official said Friday the World Bank will push to narrow the gap between rich & poor nations. G8 finance ministers & central bankers also were expected Saturday to discuss concerns about the value of China's currency, viewed by many as too low against the U.S. dollar as China's huge trade surplus continues to grow.
As the top finance leaders hold their first such meeting in an Arab country over the next several days, World Bank
pres. James Wolfensohn will urge a stronger commitment to giving developing nations better opportunities to catch up with developed countries, a bank official said. One focus of the money summit will be on rebuilding Iraq after the U.S.-led war, although good estimates for the costs aren't yet available.
Wolfensohn will be lobbying for ways to reduce the imbalances, the official said on condition of anonymity.
IMF & G8 finance ministers, incl Treasury Sec. John Snow, see the global economy poised for its best growth
since the 2001 recession, although some scattered problems, incl fast-growing U.S. budget deficit, could hinder the
advance, according to bank forecasts.
G8 ministers were working on a statement that would pledge to "strengthen the dialogue with other major economic areas to promote a smooth adjustment of international imbalances based on market mechanisms," an apparent reference to the Chinese yuan, according to a draft seen by the AP.
World Bank chief scolds rich nations
Dubai, United Arab Emirates The World Bank opened its annual meeting Tuesday with a blistering
attack on rich countries for spending hundreds of billions more on their militaries & their farmers than they do on helping the poor. "Our planet is not balanced," World Bank President James Wolfensohn told delegates from 184 countries. "Too few control too much, and too many have too little to hope for. Too much turmoil, too many wars. Too much suffering."
He criticized rich countries for providing just $56 billion a year in development assistance to poor countries,
compared with more than $300 billion they spend on agricultural subsidies and $600 billion spent on defense.
Nations have committed an additional $16 billion in aid by 2006, but Wolfensohn said poor nations could easily use
twice as much. Rich nations balked at greater cuts in farm subsidies in the Cancun meeting and poor nations, who
say their farmers suffer as a result, refused to proceed.
Finance leaders are worried about the massive American budget deficit, approaching a record $500 billion, but
Snow called the spending "understandable" and pledged Tuesday that Washington will bring it down through a
combination of economic growth and responsible spending. "It came about because of a recession and efforts to
deal with a recession" Snow told delegates. Snow called it "Economics 101" that countries run a deficit to tackle a
recession but said U.S. plans to slash its red ink in half over the next 5 years, bringing it below 2% of GDP.
The money summit, which wraps up here Wednesday, is the first such event held in an Arab country, and many
delegates are calling that a good signal for the troubled region. The host country, United Arab Emirates, opened
Tuesday's session with a call on intl community to help rebuild Iraq and to help bring peace in the Palestinian-
Israeli conflict.
Poverty rate rises for second year in row
Wash.D.C. Poverty rose and income levels declined in 2002 for the second straight year as the
nation's economy continued struggling after the first recession in a decade, the Census Bureau reported Friday.
The poverty rate was 12.1% last year, up from 11.7% in 2001. Nearly 34.6 million people lived in poverty,
about 1.7 million more than the previous year. Median household income declined 1.1% between 2001 &
2002 to $42,409, after accounting for inflation. That means half of all households earned more than that amount,
and half earned less.
The poverty rate rose again after having fallen for nearly a decade to 11.3% in 2000, its lowest level in more
than 25 years. Income levels increased through most of the 1990s, then were flat in 2000 and fell the last 2 years.
National Urban League research & public policy dir. Bill Spriggs said the numbers were frightening. "This may become one of the worst downturns in income in 30 years," he said. "We see that people are digging themselves deeper into poverty because the economy is not generating jobs."
At the White House, the numbers were fodder for President Bush's aides to call for enactment of virtually his entire domestic & economic agenda, from increased involvement in federal programs by religious groups to trade policy and legislation limiting personal injury lawsuits. "The economy is moving in the right direction," Bush
spokesman Scott McClellan said. "But the president is not satisfied. It's important to create the conditions for job
growth and that's why the president continues to say that there's more that we can do."
Comparing poverty rates & income for racial & ethnic groups was more difficult in 2002 because the
Census Bureau for the first time allowed survey respondents to report if they were of more than one race. For
instance, the poverty rate for blacks in 2002 ranged from 23.9% for those who identified themselves as being
black and another race, to 24.1% for those who selected only black. Measured either way, the bureau
considered that a significant increase from 2001, when 22.7% of blacks lived in poverty.
Poverty rates remained relatively unchanged for non-Hispanic whites, Asians and Hispanics, the bureau said.
Median income fell for blacks & Hispanics, but was relatively unchanged for whites. Income was highest
among whites & Asians. Incomes also declined significantly for foreign-born non-citizens, people living in
metropolitan areas and for family households. By region, the Midwest experienced a significant decline, while all
other regions were relatively unchanged.
The poverty threshold differs by the size & makeup of a household. For instance, a person under 65 living
alone in 2002 was considered in poverty if income was $9,359 or less; for a household of 3 including one child, it
was $14,480. A separate Census Bureau survey released earlier this month also showed more people living in
poverty in 2002, along with a slight increase in median income. However, that survey did not ask as detailed a
series of questions on people's financial status.
Census Bureau spokesman Larry Neal said the time change wasn't politically motivated. It was originally scheduled to be released this past Tuesday, he said, but was moved to Friday because statisticians asked for more time to process the numbers. "These are the official estimates of income & poverty in America and every debate on income & poverty for the next year will rehash them," Neal said. "The notion that we should, could or would suppress these numbers doesn't pass the laugh test."
U.S. poverty likely rose in 2003, income gap wider
8.19.04 Reuters
Wash.D.C. More Americans likely slid into poverty in 2003 and the gap between the rich & poor widened, economists said on Thursday in a report that could fuel Democrat criticism of President Bush.
While the nation's official poverty rate will not be released until next week, the left-leaning Center for Economic
& Policy Research estimated 700,000 Americans were added to the ranks of the poor last year, based on
early numbers.
Using Census Bureau data for the first half of 2003, economist Heather Boushey said the%age of the U.S.
population living in poverty rose to 12.8%, up from 12.7% in the first half of 2002. Children were even more likely to be poor, the study showed, with poverty rising to 18.8% of children in 2003 from 18.6% in 2002.
The official poverty rate is set for release on 8.26.04. Boushey said it will likely be slightly different than her calculation because it will include a full 12 months of data and is taken from a separate but similar Census survey. In past years, there has been only a slight gap between 6 months of one survey and a full year of the second. The study also showed the median household income rose 3.6% to $48,216 in the first half of 2003 from the same period in 2002, though when inflation is taken into account, incomes rose a smaller 1.1%. |
Why it is hard to share the wealth
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3.12.05 Jenny Hogan NewScientist.com news service
The rich are getting richer while the poor remain poor. If you doubt it, ponder these numbers from the U.S., a country widely considered meritocratic, where talent & hard work are thought to be enough to propel anyone through the ranks of the rich.
Almost certainly more of the same, if you believe physicists who are using new models based on simple physical laws to understand distribution of wealth. Their studies indicate that inequality in market economies may be very hard to get rid of.
It is well known that wealth is shared out unfairly.
Up-to-date statistics show the same thing. Now it seems that while the rich have Pareto's law to thank, the vast majority of people are governed by a completely different law. Univ. of Maryland College Park physicist Victor Yakovenko and colleagues analysed income data from the US Internal Revenue Service from 1983 to 2001. They found that while the income distribution among the super-wealthy, about 3 per cent of the population, does follow Pareto's law, incomes for the remaining 97 per cent fit a different curve, one that also describes the spread of energies of atoms in a gas
While economists' models traditionally regard humans as rational beings who always make intelligent decisions, econophysicists argue that in large systems, behaviour of each individual is influenced by so many factors that net result is random, so it makes sense to treat people like atoms in a gas.
The analogy also holds because money is like energy, in that it has to be conserved.
This, along with research data from other countries, suggests that there are two economic classes. In one, the rich grow richer while in the other the poor stay poor.
"It suggests that any kind of policy will be very inefficient," says Yakovenko. It would be very difficult to impose a policy to redistribute wealth "short of getting Stalin", says Yakovenko, who will talk in Kolkata next week.
This model predicts both the wealth classes that Yakovenko found. It also suggests that if you save more you are more likely to end up rich, although there are no guarantees.
Macroeconomist Makoto Nirei at Utah State University in Logan, whose own work will be presented at the conference, is supportive of the physicists' work but he has reservations about how they model the exchange of money.
Fewer keeping the nation afloat
The income tax bites a shrinking proportion of Americans. That means fewer workers have a stake in the system and its future.
4.15.07 Kathy M. Kristof, Jonathan Peterson L.A. Times
Sue Carpenter pays about $6,100 a year in federal income taxes. But she might owe just half that amount if she had a mortgage, and nothing at all if she had minor children. The fact that Carpenter doesn't have these deductions makes her part of a dwindling group: U.S. taxpayers. An estimated 50 million Americans won't pay any federal income tax this year. That's nearly a third of all adults, up from 18% in 1980.
To many, the shrinking tax base is not a big deal. Most of the people who don't owe Uncle Sam are of modest means. They don't pay because Congress approved tax credits aimed at helping working families and sought to encourage homeownership by making mortgage interest deductible.
Few would begrudge tax breaks for those who struggle to feed their children and keep a roof over their heads. But at the same time, some fear that the tax-free zone has grown too big and that too many working Americans no longer have a stake in the tax system or efforts to improve it.
Still, no one expects a big change in the underlying trend, especially because tax breaks are one of the few things that Republicans and Democrats both embrace. Consider the earned income tax credit for low-income workers, which in some cases allows people to be paid more in "refunds" than they actually paid in taxes.
"Certainly, they're not keeping pace with people who are taking great advantage of the Bush tax cuts," said Rep. Xavier Becerra of Los Angeles, a member of the House Ways and Means Committee. Focusing on their light income tax payments, he said, gives "a skewed picture."
The very richest Americans, those in the top tenth of 1%, received tax cuts of more than 6% on average, he said. The bottom fifth of earners saw breaks of less than 1%.
In 2005, a White House advisory panel proposed an array of changes aimed largely at simplification, including scaling back the mortgage interest deduction that for generations had helped persuade renters to become homeowners.
"All the individuals and industries who had favored positions in the tax code screamed because they were going to lose all sorts of benefits," said former IRS commissioner Lawrence B. Gibbs who is now a partner at the Washington law firm of Miller & Chevalier.
In the 2007 tax year, it could affect 23 million Americans, some earning as little as $50,000. That's up from about 4 million in 2006. House Democrats hope to shield taxpayers earning less than $200,000 from getting caught in the alternative-tax trap. But there would be a price. Under new budget rules, Congress would have to make up $1 trillion in lost revenue over the next 10 years to carry out such a fix to the alternative tax.
As one response, House Democrats are likely to scrutinize special tax breaks for business with an eye to weeding out "corporate welfare," Becerra said.
There is no shortage of provisions to examine. The list of credits, deductions and "income exclusions" stands at 146, up from 67 in 1974. The cost of these breaks have tripled over the period, from $240 billion to $730 billion after adjusting for inflation, a 2005 study by the Government Accountability Office showed.
It gets better. If the parents can afford to set aside money to pay for their child's future college bills, they get to exclude the investment income as long as it's in a qualified plan. When that son or daughter goes off to college, the parents can choose one of three breaks, two tax credits and one deduction, to offset the tuition. Plus, there's a write-off for interest on student loans.
Homeowners have long been able to deduct their interest payments, regardless of need, and every decade or so the deal has been sweetened. In 1986, homeowners were allowed to deduct the cost of home equity loans of up to $100,000, no matter the purpose of the loan, even buying a car or taking a vacation.
Critics point out that deductions such as these don't necessarily go to the needy. But then, whoever said that was the intent? |
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Gap between rich, poor Americans accelerates A stagnating middle class is stuck between a lower class with shrinking incomes and an upper class with an expanding slice of the pie, a new study finds. 4.9.08 Reuters
The gap between rich and poor in many U.S. states has broadened at a quickening pace since the last recession, which could make it difficult for low-income families to weather the current economic downturn, according to a report issued today. The result is that the average incomes of the top 5% of families are 12 times the average incomes of the bottom 20%.
Since the late 1990s, average incomes have declined 2.5% for families on the bottom fifth of the country's economic ladder, while incomes have increased 9.1% for families on the top fifth, said the report from the liberal-leaning Center on Budget and Policy Priorities and Economic Policy Institute. Some have criticized income inequality studies. Writing for the conservative Cato Institute last year, Alan Reynolds said tax-law changes skew the numbers. For example, executives once took stock options that were taxed as capital gains but now take nonqualified stock options that are taxed as salaries. Bernstein said that if the report had considered capital gains, the disparities would have likely been greater, as capital gains generally affect higher-income people. |
The report drew from U.S. Census Bureau data collected from 1987 through 2006 and is one of the few to record income inequality on a state-by-state basis.
"The report's bottom line is that since the late 1980s, income gaps widened in 37 states and have not narrowed in any states", said report authors Jared Bernstein. "In fact, we've found that the trend toward growing inequality has accelerated during this decade."
The technology boom and economic expansion of the late 1990s put many lower-income families in better positions at the start of the 2001 economic downturn than they are in now, when many economists say a downturn has begun, Bernstein said.
Elizabeth McNichol, another author of the report, said wages grew before the 2001 recession but have not increased much during the past several years of recovery. In a conference call with reporters, she pointed to Connecticut, which has had the greatest increase in income inequality since the 1980s, according to the report.
In Connecticut, incomes of the wealthiest 20% are eight times those of the poorest 20%, the report said. New York has the greatest disparity, with incomes of the top 20% 8.7 times the bottom ones, followed by Alabama, where the top are 8.5 times the bottom.
Only recently has Connecticut begun recovering from the downturn of six years ago, according to Douglas Hall, the associate director of research for Connecticut Voices for Children, who participated in the call. By August 2007 the state had gained enough jobs to make up for those lost in the last recession, he said, but now it is losing them again.
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The superrich are doing you a favor
Stop whining & act grateful; the sales of private jets, yachts, artwork and jewels are fueling the economy and fending off a recession. Even better, you could get rich off the rich. 3.29.07 Jon Markman MSN ß vs £
The superrich are different from you and me. It's not just that they have more money. It's that they spend more. Much, much, more. In fact, the superrich spend so much more of their mountains of money, according to a new line of thinking among academics, that they may provide a public service by smoothing out the little dents and valleys in the global economy. |
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The numbers are staggering and almost incomprehensible. According to research by Citigroup analyst Ajay Kapur, the wealthiest 1 million people in the world account for as much spending as 60 million other households. The disparity between the bottom 99% and the top 1% has made any other class distinctions in the richest countries almost irrelevant. Welcome to the new world "plutonomy," where economic growth is powered by, and largely consumed, by the wealthy few. This is useful to know at a time of fears that a decline in U.S. home prices could sink the U.S. economy, for it only takes one new free-spending Mumbai or Moscow zillionaire to make up for tens of thousands of faltering Americans missing their mortgage payments.
Fortunately, there are plenty more than that in Russia alone. The swift rise in the value of natural gas, sometimes called "blue gold", as well as nickel, aluminum and titanium, has helped create at least two dozen Russian billionaires and thousands more multimillionaires who are spreading their wealth around.
A leader in this category is Roman Abramovich, the 11th richest man in the world, who has three yachts that stretch 161 feet, 282 feet and 377 feet, respectively, and who has commissioned a fourth that will eclipse the world's largest Arab-owned yacht, at 525 feet plus.
China, meanwhile, is now home to 500,000 millionaires who are proud to show off their gold-plated toilets, Versace-designed bedrooms and driveways loaded with BMWs, Escalades and Ferraris.
Here in the United States, the share of total income going to the richest 1% of Americans rose to a record 17.4% in 2005. Meanwhile, the average worker's take-home pay, adjusted for inflation, has advanced just 0.3% since 2001 while the economy has swelled by 16%.
In addition to big yachts and big homes, the superrich are naturally into big jets, big vacations, big jewels, big art and lots of fancy clothes. If you're looking for an investment angle and conclude that you should focus on things that these folks buy, you're on the right track.
A less well-exploited way to play the plutonomy is through the rapid advance of the sale and leasing of jet aircraft. What's the point of being a billionaire unless you can zoom from your home in Monte Carlo to a meeting in Berlin without ever scuffing your Ferragamos in a public airport.
That and numerous cousins are made by a division of General Dynamics, which is a great buy right now at $77. With prospects bright both for private and defense jets, and valuation reasonable, shares should ascend to $100 over the next 12 months.
A more unusual play on billionaires, and in my opinion potentially the best, are three recently floated companies that own fleets of jets and lease them to fractional ownership service providers, airlines, public companies and cargo haulers. Aircastle, based in Connecticut, sports a $2.3 billion market capitalization, owns 65 planes and pays a 5.6% dividend yield. |
Net worth of America's richest increases 9.19.03 AP
New York The economy is improving for the super rich. After 2 years of declines, total net worth of America's richest people rose 10% to $955 billion this year from 2002, according to Forbes magazine's annual ranking of the nation's 400 wealthiest individuals. Microsoft Corp. founder Bill Gates, who remained in the top spot, personified the trend toward increasing wealth. His fortune increased by $3 billion to $46 billion this year. Microsoft co-founder Paul Allen held third place, with his net worth rising $1 billion to $22 billion. Investor Warren Buffett kept the No. 2 position although his wealth was unchanged at $36 billion.
Forbes said the surge in collective net worth was largely due to gains in Internet stocks & tech
fortunes. Amazon.com's Jeff Bezos saw his fortune expand by more than $3 billion to $5.1 billion as the stock of the online retailer skyrocketed. Bezos was the top gainer on the list, and holds spot 32. Yahoo! co-founder David Filo net worth nearly tripled to $1.6 billion, tying him with 13 others for the 126th spot. Yahoo!'s other co-founder Jerry Yang also nearly tripled his fortune, but he shared the 162nd spot on the list with 16 others with a $1.4 billion fortune.
The Walton family was again prominent on the list. 5 members of Wal-Mart founder Sam Walton's family tied for the fourth spot, each with a net worth of $20.5 billion. Rounding out the top 10 were Oracle Corp. chairman Larry
Ellison with an $18 billion fortune and Dell Inc. chief executive Michael Dell with a net worth of $13 billion. Dell
replaced Microsoft executive Steven Ballmer in 10th place. Ballmer is now No. 11 with a nest egg of $12.2
billion.
Newcomb said Forbes compiled its list by estimating the value of stock & other assets held by the wealthiest Americans. Forbes used the stock prices of publicly held companies as of the end of August; for privately held companies, the magazine estimated a fair market value based on the stocks of their publicly traded peers. Real estate & other assets also were included.
India's superrich get even richer
New Delhi, Pune, India The mansion of richest man in India Mukesh Ambani is something more than the average dream house. When construction is completed next year, his home will top 570 ft, equivalent of a 60 story skyscraper, and include a helipad, 6 floors of parking, and 600 servants for a family of 6.
(In 10 months) since February 2007, the value of India's stock market has doubled to 20000 points, and the biggest winners have been India's richest. Based on these gains, India's four wealthiest men are now worth more than China's 40 wealthiest combined.
As the stock market becomes a part of Indian cultural parlance, more investors further down the economic chain are finding ways to get involved. Yet the top-heavy distribution of India's stock-market billions is further amplifying the extremes of rich and poor in a country where an estimated 400 million people, more than the population of the United States, live on less than $1 a day.
The result, he and others say, is that a very small number of people are accumulating fantastic wealth almost overnight. Ambani's fortune, estimated at $49 billion by Forbes, is built largely on the success of the stock of his company, Reliance Industries Ltd., which runs oil rigs and supermarkets, among other things. Last year, when stocks hit 10000, his wealth was one-quarter of its current total.
All told, India's 40 wealthiest businessmen are worth $351 billion, according to Forbes, easily the most in Asia. Its four richest, steel tycoon Lakshmi Mittal, Ambani, his brother Anil Ambani, and Singh, hold more than half that sum.
News reports published in June suggest that at that time, company owners held 57 percent of the shares in India's largest stock market, the Bombay Stock Exchange, known as Sensex. Domestic and foreign companies accounted for a further 30 percent, leaving the remaining scraps for small, retail investors. That, in turn, has stunted the growth of the stock market among India's middle classes, says Haldea.
It is a blow to attempts to spread the wealth being generated by India's economic boom more equitably. Shares for the top 30 companies listed on Sensex gained $219 billion from January through November. By contrast, shares for the top 30 companies listed on Wall Street accumulated only $84 billion.
Nevertheless, there is evidence of a gradual expansion. The growth of the Indian economy is pushing more households past the threshold where they have enough cash to invest. Stories of Sensex riches are overcoming Indians' traditional fiscal caution. Sensex is a notoriously volatile index. Despite its upward trend, there have been dips, including Monday's 4 percent dip, largest in 4 months.
There are currently 4 million households that make more than $10,000 a year, one marker of fitness for investing, she says. In the next 5 years, that number is expected to more than triple. IPO expert Haldea sees pent-up demand in the fact that the listing of Reliance Petroleum elicited 1.9 million applications for shares, the highest number in 5 years.
He offers a two-week training program to make people Sensex-literate and he is seeing new interest in new places. Statistics suggest that investors are predominately from India's six largest cities; growing numbers of people from smaller cities now have the money but are ignorant of the way the market works. Corporate fraud that might be legal 'Backdating' stock options secretly may not break the law, but it's unethical and avoids responsibility to shareholders. 10.17.06 op ed L.A. Times
4 chief executives have lost their jobs in the last 8 days because of a scandal that, even by the standards of Wall Street, has proved especially hard for Main Street investors to parse. The activity in question, backdating stock options, is arcane and may not even be illegal. In this case, to borrow a phrase from politics, the coverup is worse than the crime.
As millions of investors have learned in the last few years, however, stock prices do not always go up. And when they don't, stock options are worthless on paper and as an incentive. So companies hit on a new strategy.
Some say the companies that engaged in backdating, many of which were technology firms, were trying to retain workers in a fiercely competitive job market. But if the goal was to retain employees, there was no need to hide the backdating. In fact, the companies would have been better off advertising the practice e.g. "We'll do whatever it takes to make your stock options valuable!". More than two dozen executives have lost their jobs in this scandal in recent days, including ones at UnitedHealth Group, McAfee, CNet Networks and Monster Worldwide. The Securities and Exchange Commission is scrutinizing more than 100 companies for options grants during the high-tech boom-and-bust years from 1998 to 2002, before a change in federal law made secret backdating more difficult. Shareholders won't be made whole until the companies and executives who avoided the discipline of the market finally come clean.
1.2.08 Fortune
E*Trade (ETFC) finally rid itself of its former chief, but his departure didn’t come cheap. Mitchell Caplan, who stepped down as CEO in November as the struggling online broker lined up a huge capital infusion from Citadel, resigned Wednesday from E*Trade’s board.
In the meantime, Caplan will be busy counting his money. He will get $10.9 million in cash, plus medical, life and disability insurance coverage, and reimbursement of certain legal fees. All this for a guy who steered the stock to an 84 percent decline last year, third-biggest decline among Fortune 1000 companies that retain their stock exchange listings.
AIG sues ex-CEO Greenberg for breach of duty
NYC American International Group Inc has filed a complaint in New York Supreme Court against former Chief Executive Maurice "Hank" Greenberg and six other former directors and officers, accusing them of breaching their fiduciary duty. In the complaint, filed on Wednesday, AIG alleges Greenberg, former Chief Financial Officer Howard Smith and five others breached their fiduciary duty through "misappropriation of a special block of AIG shares worth approximately $20 billion in 2005."
The shares were held by Starr International Co Inc, a company that had been affiliated with AIG and had been used as a special compensation vehicle for chosen employees of the insurer. | ||||||
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Record number of US CEOs depart executive suite
12.1.06 AFP
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Wash.D.C. A record number of US chief executives have left office so far this year amid a growing govt investigation into stock options fraud, according to an industry survey. A total 1,347 American CEOs have departed the executive suite so far this year, surpassing the 1,322 chief executives who exited their offices in 2005, according to outplacement consultancy Challenger, Gray and Christmas Inc.
The majority of CEOs left office due to retirement or a resignation, but a rising number are being forced from office due to probes into stock options backdating.
8 CEOs left office in November because of stock options probes, compared to 7 who stepped down in October due to options investigations, according to Challenger's monthly CEO report. Justice Dept and SEC investigators are probing over 100 companies for possible stock option fraud violations.
Top executives have been forced from office at computer security firm McAfee and online media group CNET Networks, while former officials at technology firms Brocade Communications Systems and Comverse Technology have been charged with alleged options fraud.
Big perks put 7 CEOs in a whole 'other' club Calif. exec. pay rpt : Insurance,
forgiven loans, corporate jet travel and 'gross-ups' are key features of their million-dollar packages
A million bucks isn't a lot for chief executives today. But a million in perks during a single year is still rarefied
company. At least 7 chief executives from California's 100 largest public companies pocketed $1 million or more
last year in what financial statements classify as "other compensation," according to The Times' annual executive compensation survey. The category excludes salary, bonuses, stock options, restricted stock and other commonplace rewards. But it does include a grab bag of other perquisites such as insurance, forgiven loans, windfalls triggered by companies going private, special retirement payments and personal use of corporate
jets.
As disclosed in their companies' SEC filings:
Eckert took over as chair & CEO after Mattel drummed out Jill Barad with $50 million in "golden handshake" severance payments in 2000.
In a "golden hello" to the new boss, El Segundo toy maker lent Eckert $5.5 million with an agreement to erase the
debt if he lasted 3 years on the job. Counting interest, the amount due had risen to more than $6.74 million when
the deadline passed 5.18.03.
Mattel's share price declined 56% during Barad's 3 year tenure, rose by 72% in Eckert's first 3 years. That run has not continued in the year since the debt forgiveness & gross-up kicked in. In fact, Mattel shares have slipped about 23% since then, from $22.50 to $17.38 on Friday on NYSE.
Calabasas-based home builder has seen its shares boom along with the housing markets, going from $10 apiece 4 years ago to $94.14 12.1.03 before settling back to $78.72 on Friday on NYSE. Dreier, Ryland's CEO since 1993, has recorded booming perks as well, incl $90,169 last year for personal services & medical costs, $102,942 in use of corporate aircraft and $392,074 in contributions to retirement & deferred pay.
A more unusual reward resulted from Ryland's paying off the CEO's split-dollar life insurance, policy type
resembling an interest-free long-term loan. Such arrangements were banned under 2002 accounting reform bill Sarbanes- Oxley Act. To erase the split-dollar policy from its books, Ryland paid Dreier about $2.1 million, co. spokeswoman Melissa Bailey said.
Dreier also was credited with $2.66 million in deferred earnings under a Ryland incentive plan. What's more, he
received $2.25 million to cover his taxes on the split-dollar payout and the value of some restricted stock that
became salable in 2003, a gross-up that grossed out one consumer activist.
For steering PG&E through turbulent times, Glynn made more than $17 million last year, about $3.8 million of it in
other compensation. More than $3 million of Glynn's perks were for retirement annuities & gross-up payments to cover taxes on them.
Glynn also received $600,000 when the U.S. Bankruptcy Court approved the utility's reorganization plan 12.03, a
payment designed 3 years earlier as an incentive to keep him on the job until that milestone was reached.
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USA real estate to fall in term of the USA dollar
The high water mark for USA real estate prices in USA dollars was set in late 2005. As of March 2008, prices of small houses are down 10 to 25 per cent and prices for large houses are down 20 to 50 per cent.
The price increase over 100 years was 125 times in USA dollars. There were no mill workers left in Pittsburgh by 2005.
The current owners and their banks are going to take the hit as computers and internet combine to reduce to number of office jobs just as foreign works and new production equipment took out the mill worker jobs in the 1950 to 1990 period.
Larger houses and those in remote locations may have their disposal values driven to zero by 2035. This happened in the Berkshire area of western Massachusetts and in other vacation home areas in the USA in the period from 1935 to 1965. Many large or vacation houses were donated to churches for the donation value that could be used to reduce income taxes while ending local taxes.
On p. 153 of
Conquer The Crash pg 153 graphs USA house prices from 1785 to 1990, sourced from Fred E. Foldvary's 6.13.91 Real Estate and Business Cycles, If a 70 year long cycle
USA dollar price to earning ratios for USA domestic companies will fall in half by 2050. |
For an elite few, credit pain means profit While most, even bankers, were caught off guard by the magnitude of the meltdown, others rubbed their hands together in gleeful anticipation of a windfall. 11.15.07 Jon Markman MSN Money
every financial crisis must have villains: a cabal of cranky, omniscient, uncaring old men pushing buttons that drive stocks and home values down, ruin families' retirement plans and make kids cry: bank tycoon Henry Potter in "It's a Wonderful Life," described as "the richest and meanest man in the county," or Mr. Dawes in "Mary Poppins," who fires Jane and Michael's father after he accidentally causes a run on the bank.
Today bankers are themselves victims, even if they're not entirely blameless. One-time "masters of the universe" have gone from superheroes to village idiots, as Bear Stearns shares have plunged 40% this year, Merrill Lynch is down 38% and Washington Mutual is down 50%.
The debt markets are at least 10 times larger than the stock market yet are largely unseen and greatly misunderstood. Virtually all important day-to-day financing of govts, companies and pension funds happens with credit instruments due to expectations that loans will be repaid on a contracted schedule with interest. Stocks are a frivolous afterthought in corporate finance, speculative playthings.
In the aftermath of the turn-of-the-century bear market, recession and 9.11.01, the Federal Reserve, led by Alan Greenspan, upset this rich dynamic by slashing interest rates to superlow levels in an effort to stimulate commercial and individual investment. That put the economy back on its feet by 2003, but holding rates low for a long time had the unfortunate effect of making it hard for banks and pension funds to profit.
Banks took big fees at every step along the way, putting rocket boosters on their profitability. Those exotic instruments were avidly scooped up by Asian and Mideast sovereign and pension-fund managers ravenous for high-yield places to store and grow their mounting piles of money amid an emerging-markets boom.
All of these instruments rely on confidence for their very existence. Commercial paper could exist only if brokers believed SIVs were valued properly, and SIVs could exist only if their managers believed their underlying CDOs were valued right, and CDOs could exist only if their managers believed the underlying loans were properly valued, and so on. |
Now it turns out that slowly emerging at this time were a group of hedge-fund managers running their money in a style known as credit arbitrage who came to believe that these towers of debt were houses of cards just waiting to be pushed over
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There are no straightforward ways to short-sell these kinds of instruments. The method hit upon was to destroy confidence, which was already beginning to ebb due to the rising rate of
The CDS market thus became a key battleground between the arbitrage fund hit squads and the bankers. The arbitrage funds bought the credit-default swaps on the investment banks that issued the CDOs and shorted investment banks' stocks, two actions that created the impression of vulnerability among other market players. It's a bit like taking out a life insurance policy and buying a headstone for a sick relative. Someone might get the impression that your uncle's prospects aren't good.
You might wonder how there could be $70 trillion in CDS money out there, and the reason is pretty interesting. Imagine that you are at a horse race at which the winner can earn a $10 billion prize, which in this case would be the amount a CDS would pay off in the event of a bank default.
Reynolds told clients that the debt bears would attack again last week immediately after a paltry 0.25 percentage point rate cut on 10.31.07.
The crisis of confidence reached a fever pitch early this week when it was reported that three major brokerages, including Legg Mason, announced they would shore up their supposedly safe money-market funds with extra capital.
"The outlook for the financials is much worse now than it was 6 months ago," Das says. "No one needs to push the banks down. The sheer force of gravity is working. The banks took all these risks on derivatives themselves; it's not like anyone held a gun to their heads. All their troubles are self-inflicted wounds".
the bailout spared investors who had moved deals and funds through high-flying S&Ls during the 1980s from paying for the costs of the breakdown. The generality of taxpayers would pay instead.
That spring, Treasury Secretary Nicholas Brady had asked Congress for a package of $70 billion in taxpayer backed loans to the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation, denying it was another bailout because the bankers had pledged to repay the money when they were healthy again.
A second rescue of financial institutions resulted in their profits, except in a few incurable cases, rising substantially. Fed chair Greenspan moved Federal Reserve Board deposits to needy institutions including Lincoln Savings and Loan. Nearly $100 million in "overnight" loans went to Lincoln just as it was about to fail, allowing four months for deposit accounts greater than $100,000 to get out whole without losing a dime.
Banks imposed new charges and fees on depositors and checking account holders without objection from regulators, permitting customers to be charged indirectly for sharply rising cost of federal deposit insurance thereby billing the cost of earlier speculative practices to the public.
Angered by the gap, House Banking Committee Democrats introduced legislation to require the nation's credit card issuers, including banks, to reduce charges. In late 1991, the Senate passed legislation to cap credit card interest rate charges, but backed off when the stock market appeared to tremble.
In 1980, South Dakota's economy was a mess. "We were in the poor house",' South Dakota former governor Janklow recalled. "It cost 42 cents a bushel in 1980 to haul wheat. When something's only selling for $2.20 a bushel, you certainly can't afford to be paying almost 50 cents a bushel to ship it".
Bankers saw opportunity and salvation in South Dakota. Within days of first phone calls, a team of top executives arrived from New York with a proposal for Janklow: If South Dakota would quickly pass legislation that would enable Citibank to move its credit card operations to the state, they would bring hundreds of high-paying white collar jobs to the state.
A notorious loss leader became the most profitable sector in banking, generating nearly $30 billion in net revenue last year alone. In the 1970s, technological innovations brought automation to their back rooms. Two competing umbrella associations, which would eventually become Visa and MasterCard, linked nationwide networks of merchants. Fraud was receding and banks were finally beginning to see profits after sending out more than 100 million credit cards.
"To me, this wasn't a credit card deal, it was a jobs deal," Janklow said. "It was an economic opportunity for the state. I was slowly bleeding to death." With bipartisan support and backing from South Dakota's banking association, Janklow proposed a special "emergency'' bill.
The inflationary spiral that pushed Citibank to the precipice of disaster propelled the credit card industry into a decade of enormous profits. The elimination of usury restrictions paved the way for double-digit growth. Cardholders kept on paying 18 percent interest long after inflation subsided and the Federal Reserve lowered the interest rates it charged banks.
The industry also got an unintended boost from President Carter. In 1980, as part of a short-lived effort to tame inflation, the White House imposed a freeze on soliciting new credit card accounts. The freeze only lasted for a few months, but it was long enough for credit card companies to introduce a new concept, $20 annual fee, without inciting mass defection.
"I'd frankly like to see credit cards rates down,'' he said. "I believe that would help stimulate the consumer and get consumer confidence moving again.''
Panic swept through the banking industry. Fervor for reform quickly cooled. In a television interview that weekend, Vice President Dan Quayle said if the proposed cap survived a House vote, it would likely be vetoed. By Monday, the tough talk about a national usury law became a call for a study of industry pricing practices.
Before many others in industry, Kahr discovered that it was possible to analyze vast troves of consumer financial data and reliably predict which customers were least likely to pay off their credit card balances each month.
Prospecting for profitable cardholders became an industry-wide preoccupation as growth slowed after 1990. Soon enough, the major credit card companies were using credit scores and other financial data to develop ever more sophisticated pricing and credit strategies. Instead of extending a generic credit line or charging a uniform rate, they set rates and limits based on computer-driven assessments of each consumer's risk of default. The higher the risk, the higher the rate.
Today, two percent is the standard minimum payment, a practice that critics say obscures the true cost of debt and keeps consumers dangerously leveraged. Average household credit card debt, they point out, has nearly tripled since 1990. Kahr argued that "it is very consumer friendly" to allow people breathing room if they have a difficult month.
As with interest rates, an obscure ruling by U.S. Supreme Court in 1996 cleared the way for higher fees.
Kahr argues, the market will decide what is fair.
The history of American wealth, more specifically the rise of millionaires & billionaires, is a context for national politics and culture. Too rarely is wealth examined through a political and governmental lens (or vice versa). Storied increase in U.S. millionaire ranks from just one man in 1785 to 4 million in 2000 reflected changing politics and ideologies as well as changing economics, securities markets, and technologies.
The principal commercial circumstances underpinning millionaire creation have ranged from maritime privateering (during the Revolution) through real estate (in the 1830s and 1840s), railroads and steel (in the late 19th century), oil and automobiles (in the early 20th century), and high technology (in the late 20th and early 21st centuries).
But in contrast to Theodore Roosevelt's day, we can no longer consider the interplay of U.S. wealth and politics in a purely national context. The United States, as the leading world economic power, can now be viewed as being at or past its zenith, especially against the warning back-drop and decline symptoms of its two most recent predecessors, Holland and Britain.
This invisible infrastructure of "asset management" so taken for granted in the West, though only fully extant in U.S. for the past 100 years, is the missing ingredient to success with capitalism"
de Soto confuses govt with capitalism, suggesting he understands neither.
blindspot of "Capitalism" is the question of the design of "capital" or "fiat currency system" itself.
The prince came, and used our constitution for his purpose: he introduced into England the system of Dutch finance. The principle of that system was to mortgage industry in order to protect property: abstractedly, nothing can be conceived more unjust; its practice in England has been equally injurious.
In Holland, with a small population engaged in the same pursuits, in fact a nation of bankers, the system was adapted to the circumstances which had created it. All shared in the present spoil, and therefore could endure the future burthen.
But applied to a country in which the circumstances were entirely different; to a considerable and rapidly-increasing population; where there was a numerous peasantry, a trading middle class struggling into existence;
the system of Dutch finance, pursued more or less for nearly a century and a half, has ended in the degradation of a fettered and burthened multitude.
It made debt a national habit; it has made credit the ruling power, not the exceptional
auxiliary, of all transactions; it has introduced a loose, inexact, haphazard, and dishonest spirit in the conduct of both public and private life; a spirit dazzling and yet dastardly: reckless of consequences and yet shrinking from responsibility.
Washington itself has been remade into a golden landscape of super-wealthy suburbs and gleaming lobbyist headquarters, wages of govt-by-entrepreneurship practiced so outrageously by figures such as Jack Abramoff.
According to general clucking of national punditry, my 2004 book "What's the Matter With Kansas?" is supposed to have persuaded Barack Obama to describe the yeomanry of Pennsylvania as "bitter" people who "cling to guns or religion or anti-trade sentiment as a way to explain their frustrations." Custodians of national consensus elevated Obama's offense to "Bittergate".
I have no way of knowing whether some passage of mine inspired Mr. Obama's tactless assertion that the hard-done-by clutch guns and irrationally oppose free-trade deals. In point of fact, I oppose many of those trade deals myself. But I know one thing with absolute certainty. The media flurry kicked up by Mr. Obama's gaffe powerfully confirms an argument I actually did make:
That as they return again to the culture war, what the soldiers on all sides are doing is talking about class without actually addressing the economic basis of the subject. Consider, for example, the one fateful charge that the punditry and the other candidates have fastened upon Obama, "elitism".
A stereotype you have heard many times before, besotted with latte-fueled arrogance, the liberal looks down on average people, confident that he is a superior being. He scoffs at religion because he finds it to be a form of false consciousness. He believes in regulation because he thinks he knows better than the market.
Hillary Clinton drinks shots of Crown Royal, a luxury brand that at least one confused pundit believes to be another name for Old Prole Rotgut Rye. When the former first lady talks about her marksmanship as a youth, who cares about the cool hundred million she and her husband have mysteriously piled up since he left office? Or her years of loyal service to Sam Walton, that crusher of small towns and enemy of workers' organizations?
It is by this familiar maneuver that the people who have designed and supported the policies that have brought the class divide back to America, people who have actually, really transformed our society from an egalitarian into an elitist one, perfume themselves with the essence of honest toil, like a cologne distilled from the sweat of laid-off workers.
Read on and find the news item about the hedge fund managers who made $2 billion and $3 billion last year, or the story about the vaporizing of our home equity. Suppose we become a little bitter about this. What do our pundits and politicians tell us then?
Conservatism, on the other hand, has no problem with bitterness; as the champion strategist Howard Phillips said almost 3 decades ago, the movement's job is to
This stock character, unchanged since his star turns in the culture-war battles of the last few decades, is said to be as furious as ever, and still blaming the same villains for his problems: namely intellectuals, in the guise of "judges who have never worked an honest day in their lives".
If Barack Obama or anyone else really cares to know what I think, I will simplify it all down to this. The landmark political fact of our time is the replacement of our middle-class republic by a plutocracy. If some candidate has a scheme to reverse this trend, they've got my vote, whether they prefer Courvoisier or beer bongs spiked with cough syrup.
One of the most frustrating aspects of the media debate on higher education funding is that it has taken place almost entirely on govt's terms. Even those critical of the existing system of student support and strongly opposed to proposals for top-up fees have accepted a framework in which increased public funding and free post-16 education are utopian ideals, which in any case would benefit only the middle class.
It is telling that, even in a liberal paper such as the Guardian, last week's extended discussion of the options for reforming student funding excluded only one: an increase in progressive taxation to cover all our institutions' increasingly desperate needs, from salaries and research costs to student tuition and maintenance.
Instead of tackling the issues honestly, govt spokespeople & education commentators have become adept at evading them through extreme vagueness of thought and argument.
It would clearly be unreasonable to ask low paid workers, for instance the bus-drivers and cleaning ladies who, in Margaret Hodge's fevered imagination, will pay for any increase in student funding, to pay more tax; it would be anything but unreasonable to demand the same from big business, shareholders and the super rich.
Meanwhile, unsurprisingly, the UK is afflicted by chronic poverty and chronically under-funded public services. We should not allow govt to argue that there are more deserving recipients of public funding than students; this is, after all, exactly what it has told pensioners, and nurses, and firefighters.
Similarly, we should be sceptical about claims that free higher education would only benefit what is commonly referred to as the middle class.
This is in addition to the problems faced by female, homosexual and some ethnic minority students, who because of discrimination in the labour market are specifically disadvantaged by any system that requires students to rack up significant debt.
As the figures above have hopefully shown, neither of these arguments is tenable. In fact, stagnant applications and soaring drop-out rates mean that the goal of 50% participation will very likely prove a mirage unless it is underpinned by a huge increase in public funding.
Men in their 30s lag behind fathers in pay
Researchers report an interruption of 'up escalator' that traditionally lifted successive generations to new financial heights.
American men in their 30s today are worse off than their fathers' generation, a reversal from just a decade ago, when sons generally were better off than their fathers, a new study says. The study, the first in a series on economic mobility undertaken by several prominent think tanks, also says the typical American family's income has lagged far behind productivity growth since 2000, a departure from most of the post-World War II period.
The study was written principally by John Morton of the Pew Charitable Trusts, which is leading the series, called the Economic Mobility Project, and Isabel Sawhill of the Brookings Institution. Other participating think tanks are the Heritage Foundation, American Enterprise Institute and Urban Institute.
"It seems there's been some slowdown in economic growth. It's possible that the movement of women into the labor force has affected male earnings, and it's possible that men are not working as hard as they used to."
Poor fathers may have rich sons, and vice versa. The report also says that between 1947 & 1974, productivity, or output per hour, and median family income, adjusted for inflation, both roughly doubled.
Sawhill said several factors could explain the divergence: a growing share of income going to the highest-paid workers, or to profits; an increased share of labor compensation going toward benefits such as health care; or a decline in the number of wage earners in the typical family.
The anger of the damned
¹
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I used to think that disasters strengthened people's sense of community. Right after the great Istanbul fires of my
childhood and the earthquake of 2 years ago, my first instinct was to share my feelings, to discuss the disaster with others. But this time, seated facing the TV in a small Istanbul coffeehouse near the quay frequented by carters, tuberculosis patients, and porters as the twin towers in New York blazed & collapsed, I felt desperately alone.
I went out into the streets because I could not bear to see what was happening, and even more because I wanted
to share what I had seen with other people. A short while later I saw a woman on the quay weeping as she stood in the crowd waiting for a ferryboat. From her expression and the faces of those around her, I saw immediately that she was not weeping because she had a relative in Manhattan but because she thought the end of the world was approaching.
Later, as I walked the streets again, I met one of my neighbors. "Sir, have you seen, they have bombed America,"
he said, and added fiercely, "They did the right thing." This angry old man is not religious at all. He struggles to
make a living by doing minor repair jobs and gardening, and gets drunk in the evening and argues with his wife. He had not yet seen the appalling scenes on TV, but had only heard that some people had done something dreadful to America.
To debate America's role in the world in the shadow of terrorism that is based on hatred of the "West" and brutally kills innocent people is both extremely difficult and perhaps morally questionable. But in the heat of righteous anger at vicious acts of terror, and in nationalistic rage, some will find it easy to speak words that might lead to the slaughter of other innocent people. In view of this, one wants to say something.
Everyone should be aware that the longer the recent bombing lasts, and the more innocent people die in
Afghanistan or any other part of the world in order to satisfy America's own people, the more it will exacerbate the
artificial tension that some quarters are trying to generate between "East" & "West" or "Islam" &
"Christian civilization"; and this will only serve to bolster the terrorism that military action sets out to punish. It is
now morally impossible to discuss the issue of America's world domination in connection with the unbelievable ruthlessness of terrorists responsible for killing thousands of innocent people.
At the same time, we should try to understand why millions of people in poor countries that have been pushed to
one side, and deprived of the right to decide their own histories, feel such anger at America. We are not always
obliged, however, to look with sympathy at such anger. Moreover, in many 3rd world & Islamic countries, anti-American feeling is not so much righteous anger as an instrument employed to conceal their own lack of
democracy and to reinforce the power of local dictators.
Similarly, superficial hostility to America, as in the case of Turkey, allows the country's administrators to squander, through corruption & incompetence, money they receive from international financial institutions and to conceal the gap between rich & poor that in Turkey has reached intolerable dimensions.
There are those in U.S. today who unconditionally support military attacks for the purpose of demonstrating
America's military strength and teaching terrorists "a lesson." Some cheerfully discuss on TV where American
planes should bomb, as if playing a video game. Such commentators should realize that decisions to engage in war taken impulsively, and without due consideration, will intensify the hostility toward the West felt by millions of
people in the Islamic countries and poverty-stricken regions of the world, people living in conditions that give rise to feelings of humiliation and inferiority.
It might be argued that the wealth of the rich countries is their own achievement and should not affect the concerns of the poor of the world; but at no time in history have the lives of the rich been so forcefully brought to the attention of the poor through TV & Hollywood film.
At the same time, however, he senses in a corner of his mind that his poverty is to some considerable degree the
fault of his own folly & inadequacy, or those of his father & grandfather. The Western world is scarcely
aware of this overwhelming feeling of humiliation that is experienced by most of the world's population; it is a
feeling that people have to try to overcome without losing their common sense, and without being seduced by
terrorists, extreme nationalists, or fundamentalists.
War cries, nationalistic speeches, and impetuous military operations take quite the opposite course. Instead of
increasing understanding, many current Western actions, attitudes, and policies are rapidly carrying the world
further from peace. These include the new visa restrictions imposed by many Western European countries on
travelers from outside the EU; law enforcement measures aimed at impeding the movement of Muslims and of
people from poor nations; suspicion of Islam and everything non-Western; and crude and aggressive language that identifies the entire Islamic civilization with terror & fanaticism.
Members of wealthy, pro-modernist class that founded the Turkish Republic reacted to resistance from poor & backward sectors of society not by attempting to understand them, but by law enforcement measures, prohibitions on personal behavior, and repression by the army. In the end, the modernization effort remained half-finished, and Turkey became a limited democracy in which intolerance prevailed.
Poll: Majorities say income gap too wide
Wash.D.C. Income differences in the U.S. are too stark, and the govt should provide jobs & training for those having a tough time, according to majorities in a national poll released Thursday. About seven in 10 said discrepancies between income levels are too large, a sentiment voiced by nearly two-thirds of those from households earning at least $80,000 a year, the survey said. Three-fourths of people earning less than $80,000 agreed.
The poll comes in the early stages of a 2008 presidential campaign in which several Democratic candidates have discussed a widening distance between the country's rich and poor. Former North Carolina Sen. John Edwards has made "two Americas" one of his favorite themes. Sens. Hillary Rodham Clinton of New York and Barack Obama of Illinois have also touched on the topic.
The survey was conducted 6.18.07 to 07.02.07 and involved telephone interviews with 500 adults nationally. It has a margin of sampling error of plus or minus 4.5 percentage points.
Moscow In a city mad for the automobile, even a tiny downtown showroom was a license to print money. Selling Chevrolets, Cadillacs and Opels, Trinity Motors was raking in $1 million a month. A group of Canadian and British investors operated the dealership on tony Tverskaya Street for 13 years. Until one morning late in May, when Trinity Motors ceased to exist.
The truth was more complicated, and ultimately much more worrying for anyone who has money invested in Russia, said Trinity spokesman Rudy Amirkhanian. Trinity managers were told that the new lease on the property was being awarded to a little-known company with friends at the Kremlin.
In the 1990s, when Russian capitalism was young and the law was pliable, business disputes routinely were settled by teams of thugs and showers of bullets. It's not supposed to be that way in 2005. Now, contract laws are in place; uniformed bailiffs deliver eviction notices; courts mediate disputes. Most of the time.
Last year, operators of the Aerostar Hotel, one of Moscow's longest-operating four-star hotels, found themselves thrown out onto the street by 30 security toughs after their landlord suddenly demanded a $30-million rent increase for their long-term lease, after the Canadian managers had invested $40 million of their own money in upgrading the hotel. Registered guests were ejected 36 hours later.
A few days later, 20 masked men bearing clubs swooped into the building in an apparently unsuccessful attempt to take it back. Such transactions are often wryly referred to by lawyers in Moscow as "self-help", the act of advancing a troublesome legal case by swiftly establishing new facts on the ground.
The point, many businessmen say, is not who is right or wrong in these often-murky contract disputes, but the frequency with which they are decided by physical force. Of particular concern, said Firestone, is in a case like Trinity's, where the govt uses muscle.
The number of such cases is far fewer than in past years but seems to be experiencing a minor upsurge, some business leaders said.
Yukos was gutted when its main production unit, Yuganskneftegaz, was seized by the tax authorities and sold for a fraction of its value to a state-controlled oil company whose chairman happens to be a senior Kremlin official. Yukos shares, many of them held by foreign investors, plummeted, and the company is on the verge of bankruptcy.
AeroIMP alleged that Aviacity was trying to seize a valuable piece of central Moscow real estate. Aviacity went to court, alleging that AeroIMP was in violation of its long-standing lease by subleasing the office property without Aviacity's permission.
The court initially agreed. But instead of allowing the issue to be fully litigated or waiting for court bailiffs to execute any court orders, Aviacity's attorneys showed up with what Ivanyi described as "about 30 goons" outside his office.
The Russian legal system, notorious for corruption and government interference, was of little help. AeroIMP lost its first round in court, won on appeal, then lost again. Finally, the Supreme Arbitration Court issued an injunction, upholding the management's right to possession of the hotel while the legal case played out.
Without explanation, the court reversed itself 7 days later.
In the Trinity car dealer case, presidential property department spokesman Viktor Khrekov said the dealership's lease on the federally owned property expired March 30, well before the eviction in May.
Trinity believed it had a legal right of first refusal. Then, during a conversation that Trinity spokesman Amirkhanian tape-recorded, an Izvestia official told Trinity that it would be fruitless to try to hold on to the property.
Despite the rough stuff, he said, most investors have decided that the potential returns in Russia outweigh the obvious risks.
The great wealth transfer
Biggest untold economic story of our time: more of nation's bounty held in fewer & fewer hands, Bush's tax cuts only making the problem worse.
11.30.06 Paul Krugman Rolling Stone
Why doesn't Bush get credit for the strong economy? That question has been asked over and over again in recent months by political pundits.
Yet the public remains deeply unhappy with the state of the economy. In a recent poll, only a minority of Americans rated the economy as "excellent" or "good," while most consider it no better than "fair" or "poor." Are people just ungrateful? Is the administration failing to get its message out? Are the news media, as conservatives darkly suggest, deliberately failing to report the good news?
The number of Americans in poverty has risen even in the face of an official economic recovery, as has the number of Americans without health insurance. Most Americans are little, if any, better off than they were last year and definitely worse off than they were in 2000.
The gap between the nation's CEOs and average workers is now ten times greater than it was a generation ago. While Bush's tax cuts shaved only a few hundred dollars off the tax bills of most Americans, they saved the richest one percent more than $44,000 on average.
Rising inequality isn't new. The gap between rich and poor started growing before Ronald Reagan took office, and it continued to widen through the Clinton years. But what is happening under Bush is something entirely unprecedented:
The economic historians Claudia Goldin and Robert Margo call what happened between 1933 and 1945 the Great Compression: The rich got dramatically poorer while workers got considerably richer. Americans found themselves sharing broadly similar lifestyles in a way not seen since before the Civil War.
GM paid chief executive James M. Roche a salary of $795,000, equivalent of $4.2 million today, adjusting for inflation. At the time, that was considered very high. But nobody denied that ordinary GM workers were paid pretty well. The average paycheck for production workers in the auto industry was almost $8,000, more than $45,000 today.
Today, Wal-Mart is America's largest corporation, with 1.3 million employees. H. Lee Scott, its chairman, is paid almost $23 million, more than 5 times Roche's inflation-adjusted salary. Yet Scott's compensation excites relatively little comment, since it's not exceptional for the CEO of a large corporation these days.
The widening gulf between workers and executives is part of a stunning increase in inequality throughout the U.S. economy during the past 30 years. To get a sense of just how dramatic that shift has been, imagine a line of 1,000 people who represent the entire population of America. They are standing in ascending order of income, with the poorest person on the left and the richest person on the right. Their height is proportional to their income; the richer they are, the taller they are.
Start with 1973. If you assume that a height of 6 feet represents the average income in that year, the person on the far left side of the line, representing those Americans living in extreme poverty, is only 16 inches tall. By the time you get to the guy at the extreme right, he towers over the line at more than 113 feet.
But people to the right must have been taking some kind of extreme steroids: The guy at the end of the line is now 560 feet tall, almost 5 times taller than his 1973 counterpart. What's useful about this image is that it explodes several comforting myths we like to tell ourselves about what is happening to our society.
MYTH #2: INEQUALITY IS MAINLY A PROBLEM OF EDUCATION.
It's a good story with a comforting conclusion: Education is the answer. But it's all wrong. A closer look at our line of Americans reveals why. The richest 20 percent are those standing between 800 and 1,000. But even those standing between 800 and 950, Americans who earn between $80,000 and $120,000 a year, have done only slightly better than everyone to their left.
MYTH #3: INEQUALITY DOESN'T REALLY MATTER.
Few Americans hope to join the ranks of the rich, no matter how well educated or hardworking they may be; their opportunities to do so are actually shrinking. As best we can tell, pretax incomes are now as unequally distributed as they were in the 1920s, wiping out virtually all of the gains made by the middle class during the Great Compression.
But it was also, to an important extent, a cause of the phenomenon. In the past 30 years, right-wing foundations have devoted enormous resources to promoting this agenda, building a far-reaching network of think tanks, media outlets and conservative scholars to legitimize higher levels of inequality.
Although corporate executives have always had the power to pay themselves lavishly, their self-enrichment was limited by what Lucian Bebchuk, Jesse Fried and David Walker, leading experts on exploding executive paychecks, call the "outrage constraint".
Lately, however, we have experienced a death of outrage. Thanks to the right's well-funded and organized effort, corporate executives now feel no shame in lining their pockets with huge bonuses and gigantic stock options. Such self-dealing is justified, they say: Greed is what made America great, and greedy executives are exactly what corporate America needs.
A lot of what made General Motors the relatively egalitarian institution it was in the 1960s had to do with its powerful union, which was able to demand high wages for its members. Those wages, in turn, set a standard that elevated the income of workers who didn't belong to unions.
Why isn't Wal-Mart unionized? The answer is simple and brutal: Business interests went on the offensive against unions with hardball tactics, not gentle persuasion. During the late 1970s and early 1980s, at least one in every twenty workers who voted for a union was illegally fired; some estimates put the number as high as one in eight.
Unions weren't the only institution that fostered income equality during the generation that followed the Great Compression. The creation of a national minimum wage also set a benchmark for the entire economy, boosting the bargaining position of workers.
After Reagan left office, there was a partial reversal of his anti-labor policies. The minimum wage was increased under the elder Bush and again under Clinton, restoring about half the ground it lost under Reagan. But then came Bush the Second and the balance of power shifted against workers and the middle class to a degree not seen since the Gilded Age.
Under Bush, the economy has been growing at a reasonable pace for the past 3 years. But most Americans have failed to benefit from that growth. All indicators of the economic status of ordinary Americans, poverty rates, family incomes, the number of people without health insurance, show that most of us were worse off in 2005 than we were in 2000, and there's little reason to think that 2006 was much better.
Those profits will eventually be reflected in dividends and capital gains, which accrue mainly to the very well-off: More than three-quarters of all stocks are owned by the richest ten percent of the population.
Second, again like Reagan, Bush used govt's power to make it harder for workers to organize. The National Labor Relations Board, founded to protect the ability of workers to organize, has become for all practical purposes an agent of employers trying to prevent unionization.
Third, the administration effectively blocked what might have been a post-Enron backlash against self-dealing corporate insiders. Corporate scandals dominated the news in the first half of 2002 then the subject was changed to the urgent need to invade Iraq, and the drive for reform was squelched.
It's easy to get confused about the Bush tax cuts. For one thing, they are designed to confuse. The core of the Bush policy involves cutting taxes on high incomes, especially on the income wealthy Americans receive from capital gains and dividends.
Furthermore, the administration has engaged in a systematic campaign of disinformation about whose taxes have been cut. Indeed, one of Bush's first actions after taking office was to tell the Treasury Dept to stop producing estimates of how tax cuts are distributed by income class, information on who gained how much.
Every wealthy American, especially those who live off of stock earnings or their inheritance, got a big tax cut. To picture who gained the most, imagine the son of a very wealthy man, who expects to inherit $50 million in stock and live off the dividends. Before the Bush tax cuts, our lucky heir-to-be would have paid about $27 million in estate taxes and contributed 39.6 percent of his dividend income in taxes.
It's worth noting that Bush doesn't simply favor the upper class; it's the upper-upper class. That became clear last fall, when the House and Senate passed rival tax-cutting bills. (What were they doing cutting taxes yet again in the face of a huge budget deficit and an expensive war? Never mind.) The Senate bill was devoted to providing relief to middle-class wage earners.
The House bill, by contrast, focused on extending tax cuts on capital gains and dividends. More than 40 percent of the House cuts would have flowed to the $1 million-plus group; only thirty percent to the 100K to 500K taxpayers. The White House favored the House bill and the final, reconciled measure wound up awarding a quarter of the benefits to America's millionaires.
Biggest irony of all is that the real boom in the 1990s followed tax changes that were the reverse of Bush's policies. Clinton raised taxes on the rich, and the economy prospered. A generation ago U.S. distribution of income didn't look all that different from that of other advanced countries.
The share of income received by the top 0.1 percent of Americans is twice the share received by the corresponding group in Britain, and three times the share in France. These days, to find societies as unequal as the United States you have to look beyond the advanced world, to Latin America. If that comparison doesn't frighten you, it should.
Economic historians such as Kenneth Sokoloff of UCLA think they know why: Latin America got caught in an inequality trap. For historical reasons, the kind of crops they grew, the elitist policies of colonial Spain, Latin American societies started out with much more inequality than the societies of North America.
Rather than making land available to small farmers, as the U.S. Homestead Act did, Latin American govts tended to give large blocks of public lands to people with the right connections. They also shortchanged basic education, condemning millions to illiteracy.
In addition, the statistical evidence shows, unequal societies tend to be corrupt societies.
In The New Industrial State, published in 1967, John Kenneth Galbraith dismissed any concern that corporate executives might exploit their position for personal gain, insisting that group decision-making would enforce "a high standard of personal honesty". But in recent years, the sheer amount of money paid to executives who are perceived as successful has overridden the restraints that Galbraith believed would control executive greed.
Today, a top executive who pumps up his company's stock price by faking high profits can walk away with vast wealth even if the company later collapses, and the small chance he faces of going to jail isn't an effective deterrent. What's more, the group decision-making that Galbraith thought would prevent personal corruption doesn't work if everyone in the group can be bought off with a piece of the spoils, more or less what happened at Enron.
As the past 6 years demonstrate, such political corruption only worsens as economic inequality rises. The gap between rich and poor doesn't just mean that few Americans share in the benefits of economic growth, it also undermines the sense of shared experience that binds us together as a nation.
In the end, the effects of our growing economic inequality go far beyond dollars and cents. This, ultimately, is the most pressing question we face as a society today: Will the United States go down the path that Latin America followed, one that leads to ever-growing disparity in political power as well as in income?
In the stands, however, are bettors with access to huge lines of credit that are betting up to $1 trillion among themselves on the outcome of the race. It doesn't matter that the most a CDS holder could ever win is $10 billion, because the betting, trading of the derivatives, is a completely separate game.
Reynolds explains that the hedge funds successfully rattled the CDS market in the summer, but then lost momentum when Fed Chief Ben Bernanke intervened with a surprise cut of the discount window rate in mid-August and then cut rates again in September.
They did, sparking downgrades in CDO values, a loss of faith in their investment banks' corporate management and, in turn, a rabbit punch to investment banks' equities, yielding big profits to the raiders.
"We'll put the facility in an inconvenient place for customers and we'll pay different interest rates," Mr. Wriston recalled telling Mr. Janklow. "All we want to do is use it to issue cards.''
Australia based credit-derivatives expert Satyajit Das says that he believes the CDS raids are an interesting line of attack but not really necessary.
The next chapter of this problem will play out over the next 4 months as banks attempt to straighten out their books ahead of their fourth-quarter earnings reports. Expect more of the same, despite occasional rebounds like the one this week.
[
milking the spread on Poppy's watch ]
Economic polarization, shrinking assets and the implications of middle-class decline
Politics of economic frustration Ch.VII
1993 Kevin Phillips Boiling Point
p 188 abridged
hen in 1991, it became clear that commercial banks also needed to be rescued with kindred considerations at stake; would investors and financial elites pay or would taxpayers as a whole?
Congress voted the funds though skeptics suggested instead of opening yet another line of public credit, it would be cheaper to let some big banks fail and have govt reimburse depositors only up to $100,000 for each account, involving major losses by banks' stockholders, bondholders, creditors and large depositors.
As the Fed cut interest rates, letting banks reduce payment to depositors, regulators allowed to charge high rates for credit card interest and personal loans.
The spread was one of the largest and most profitable on record; commercial banks ending 1991 paid depositors 4.5% on short term money and charged ordinary borrowers 3 to 4 times as much.
At the beginning of 1990, interest represented 15% of U.S. personal income. In the next two years, that percentage took its biggest slide since World War II, causing a $34 billion a year drop in household interest income while interest payments by households fell by only $4 billion a year.
[ when federal govt greenlighted usury under Reagan ]
Ascendancy of the credit card industry
re
Supreme Court Marquette Bank opinion 12.18.78
11.23.04 Robin Stein Frontline excerpted
Citibank, which was having a serious problem of its own. "It was very simple,'' said Walter Wriston, then the chairman of Citibank. "We were going broke.''
The bank had lost more than $1 billion on its audacious foray into the credit card business, and the future looked even worse. The trouble, simply put, was that the rate of inflation exceeded the amount of interest Citibank was allowed to charge its credit card customers under New York usury laws.
The unlikely alliance would clear the way for Citibank to turn a money-losing credit card operation into a vastly profitable business. "All of their senior people used to say it,'' Janklow said. "I believe South Dakota saved Citibank.''
By 1980 Citibank was being squeezed between New York state usury laws and double-digit inflation rates. "You are lending money at 12 percent and paying 20 percent," Mr. Wriston explained. "You don't have to be Einstein to realize you're out of business.''
"Citibank actually drafted the legislation,'' he said. "Literally we introduced it, and it passed our legislature in one day.''
The arrangement ultimately brought 3,000 high-paying jobs to South Dakota and a host of new suitors from banks across the country. Other states were quick to catch on. Delaware, which passed similar legislation the following year, would foil Janklow's dreams.
Between 1980 and 1990, the number of credit cards more than doubled, credit card spending increased more than five-fold and the average household credit card balance rose from $518 to nearly $2,700. With the cost of money sinking and average balances climbing, profits soared.
In 1990 AT&T entered the market by offering a credit card with no annual fee. Competitors panicked and quickly followed suit, spelling doom to the lucrative annual fees. Then came what some bankers called "the Big Scare.''
On 11.12.91 at a $1,000-a-plate fundraising luncheon in New York for President Bush at the last minute, an aide made a quick addition to a list of stimulus policies the president wanted to propose during his speech.
Those two sentences had a powerful and immediate impact. As it happened, one of the luncheon guests was Alfonse M. D'Amato, then New York senator who had been critical of the 10-point gap between the prime rate and the interest rate typically charged to cardholders. The very next day, Sen. D'Amato proposed national legislation to cap credit card interest rates at 14 percent. After some 30 minutes of debate, the Senate voted 74-19 to approve the measure.
It marked a critical turning point in the broader evolution of the credit card from a mass-marketed, straightforward loan at 18 percent to a highly complex financial arrangement with ever-shifting terms and prices. Key player in this evolution was Andrew S. Kahr, a child prodigy who earned his Ph.D. in mathematics from MIT by age 20. Now a financial industry consultant, Kahr pioneered several ground-breaking consumer banking products and founded a small credit card company in 1984 that would eventually become Providian, one of today's top 10 issuers.
"It didn't require a lot of investigation to see that the people who paid in full every month were not profitable,'' Kahr said in rare interview with FRONTLINE. Armed with exotic formulas and scoring systems, Kahr and colleagues mined the data in relentless pursuit of the most lucrative "revolvers'', consumers who routinely carried high balances, but were unlikely to default.
"I don't believe in customer irrationality," Mr. Kahr said. "I don't find psychographics useful. I follow financial behavior."
One of the most attractive terms to customers and banks alike, according to Kahr, are higher credit lines. In another innovation, Kahr saw that credit lines could be increased by slashing the required minimum payment. This increased revenue in two ways. First, since it would take longer to pay off balances, each dollar of principal would generate more interest income. Second, the principal itself would be increased because cardholders would be able to take on more debt while maintaining the same monthly payments.
"That's very important,'' he said, "because when people get behind on their payments, unfortunately, it becomes harder and harder to catch up."
In recent years, the credit card industry found and aggressively exploited another rich vein of profits: penalty fees.
Citibank's credit card division former general counsel Duncan A. MacDonald spearheaded the case.
"We were working this thing here for a good cause, free-market pricing,'' he said in an interview. "The late fees that were common across the industry, up until [the Supreme Court ruling], were in the $5 and the $10 range. The economic thinking was that there had to be flexibility to allow up to $15".
Instead, MacDonald said, the decision "took the lid off,'' as fees quickly shot up from $15 to $29 to as high as $39. "I certainly didn't imagine that someday we might've ended up creating Frankenstein,'' he said.
e.g.making the due date for your payment a holiday or a Sunday on the hopes that maybe you'll trip up and get a payment in late," said payment card research firm CardWeb and Ram Research founder and chair Robert B. McKinley.
"If there was a demand for a credit card product that never changed its terms and rates and stuck with the customer no matter what, I'd be running around telling people 'Let's market this wonderful fairness card,'" he said. 'Transparency card,' 'rock solid card', whatever it may be. I don't believe that that would succeed."
financialization
traditional industrial economy's
complete securitization
The United States that was built around making things or moving things or growing things or manufacturing things has become an economy of manipulation"
re Poppy & Shrub et famile
author
"pioneering turn-of-the-century European social scientists Roberto Michels & Vilfredo Pareto"
I don't care whether they enjoy my books, or would rather have every scrap of paper bearing my writing loaded into a C-47 and dumped into Lake Michigan. If it will help restore the land of relative equality I was born in, I'll fly the plane myself.
Saving democracy The number of millionaires and billionaires doesn't move in tandem with democratic politics. Indeed, the two are often at loggerheads
5.02 The Chief Executive review
Too much wealth hasn't helped democracy and too much democracy hasn't helped wealth. As the number of millionaires jumped from a dozen in 1800 to 300 in 1860, 4,500 in 1902, 30,000 in 1929, 5,000 in 1932, 100,000 in 1966, and 4 million in 2000, the dominant forces in wealth creation can be identified as war, inflation, politics, govt, land-holding, technology, and the stock market.
If politics has not always been favorable to wealth, Jeffersonian, Jacksonian, Progressive, and New Deal periods stand out, biases toward wealth have undercut democratic politics in the Hamiltonian period, the Gilded Age, and arguably over the last two decades.
Unfortunately, the millennial juxtaposition of shrinking prospects for U.S. manufacturing workers and the lower middle class with the golden zenith of a small elite in finance, investments, and international commerce follows the late-stage Dutch and British patterns all too well and raises troubling questions about the longevity of America's current wealth concentration.
In the West, standardized laws allow us to mortgage a house to raise money for a new venture, permit the worth of a company to be broken up into so many publicly tradable stocks, and make it possible to govern and appraise property with agreed-upon rules that hold across neighborhoods, towns, or regions.
Maintenance of title database is something well suited to free-enterprise competing companies, obviously with agreements to share data.
Any true capitalist knows that produces a far more efficient, low-cost service. cf. Machinery of Freedom
Post colonial world inherited the Western model of colonial capitalism with centralized private commercial banking, why "Capitalism" can only be maintained by perpetuating financial imperialism via War and Reconstruction (massive investment in military, defence, intelligence & their policy support industry). cf.
"Billions for Bankers, Debt for people"
"nothing but such a constitution as you have in England can have the credit that is necessary to raise such sums as a great war requires."
And so to this day Holland is sustained, almost solely sustained, by the vast capital thus created which still
lingers amongst its dykes.
Nor have the demoralizing consequences of the funding system on the more favoured classes been less decided.
And in the end, it has so overstimulated the energies of the population to maintain the material engagements of the state, and of society at large, that the moral condition of the people has been entirely lost sight of."
Obama's touch of class
ª
The smart money rides the early surge and then sells out to the middle class dreamers, who end up losing 80-90% of their value over time"
Th.Frank's One Market Under God
4.21.08 Thomas Frank Wall St Journal
No one means by this term that Obama is a wealthy person (he wasn't until last year), or even that he is an ally of the wealthy (although he might be that).
What they mean is that he has committed a crime of attitude, and revealed his disdain for the common folk.
"Elitism" is thus a crime not of society's actual elite, but of its intellectuals. Obama has "a dash of Harvard disease," proclaims the Weekly Standard. Obama reminds columnist George Will of Adlai Stevenson, rolled together with the sinister historian Richard Hofstadter and the diabolical economist J.K. Galbraith, contemptuous eggheads all. Obama strikes Bill Kristol as some kind of "supercilious" Marxist. Obama reminds Maureen Dowd of an anthropologist.
Who really cares about Sam Walton's own sins, when these are our standards? Didn't he have a funky Southern accent of some kind? Surely such a mellifluous drawl cancels any possibility of elitism.
Likewise do their retainers in the wider world, conservative politicians and the pundits who lovingly curate all this phony authenticity, become jes' folks, the most populist fellows of them all.
That there is no place for such sentiment in the Party of the People. That "bitterness" is an ugly and inadmissible emotion. That "divisiveness" is a thing to be shunned at all costs.
"organize discontent". They have welcomed it, flattered it, invited it in with millions of treason-screaming direct-mail letters, given it a nice warm home on angry radio shows situated up and down the AM dial. There is not only bitterness out there; there is a bitterness industry.
Consider the shower of right-wing love that descended in February on small-town newspaper columnist Gary Hubbell, who penned this year's great eulogy of the "angry white man," the "man's man" who "works hard," who "knows that his wife is more emotional than rational," and who also, happily, knows how to "change his own oil and build things."
But what he really wants is a chance to vote against Hillary Clinton, and "make sure she gets beaten like a drum". I guess our angry toiler didn't yet know about the Crown Royal.
Oliver Stone didn't conjure Gekko's "greed" line out of thin air. It was based on a real speech given by corporate raider Ivan Boesky. It reflected what many corporate executives, conservative intellectuals and right-wing politicians were saying at the time.
Tax the rich Govt should take from the rich and give to the poor to solve the student funding crisis
11.22.02 (UK) National Union of Students' women's officer Kat Fletcher & lesbian, gay and bisexual officer Daniel Murphy Guardian
Albeit with nuances & differences of emphasis, this consensus stretches all the way from the most hawkish elements of the Russell Group to much of the leadership of the National Union of Students, which does not make it any less irrational, dishonest or regressive.
This may be the option supported by the vast majority of students, the education unions and the public as a whole, but it is so far to the left of the official consensus it has largely been excluded from the media except when it is voiced by a cabinet minister's son and all credit to Will Straw for doing so.
Thus we read repeatedly about the limits of general taxation and the reluctance of the taxpayer to furnish new money for higher education. The reality is that general taxation is not a single homogenous source of revenue, any more than the taxpayer is a single, hard-pressed individual.
Since 1979, corporation tax has been cut by 23% and the top rate of income tax by 43%; since 1997, corporation tax has been reduced by £8bn and the average ratio between employees' and directors' pay has grown from 1:11 to 1:18.
The total loss to the exchequer from tax cuts for the wealthy now runs to many tens of billions of pounds.
Free tuition and a living maintenance grants for every student would not come cheap, but in this context they are clearly affordable. It is not a dearth of resources which prevents govt from taxing wealth to fund public services, but a commitment to Thatcherite economic and public spending policies.
In the first place, it is no longer accurate to call students, as a group, middle class; today most come from (usually better-off) working class families and go into well paid jobs on finishing their course. If by "middle class" and "working class" one simply means better and worse-off, it is precisely those from the most disadvantaged backgrounds who are most likely to be deterred from applying to university for fear of debt, and who have, in fact, applied in smaller numbers since the introduction of fees and the abolition of grants in 1997.
There is a logical flaw at the heart of the "middle class subsidy" argument. Govt maintains that, since students are predominantly from a privileged background, free higher education would be a regressive measure; at the same time it claims that, since access to university is no longer limited to the privileged, free education is unaffordable.
That is why the student movement must be brave enough to argue for increased taxation of business and the rich as the progressive alternative to top-up fees.
5.25.07 Greg Ip Wall St Journal
The findings suggest "the up escalator that has historically ensured that each generation would do better than the last may not be working very well," says the study, which is scheduled for release today.
In 2004, the median income for a man in his 30s, a good predictor of his lifetime earnings, was $35,010, the study says, 12% less than for men in their 30s in 1974, their fathers' generation, adjusted for inflation.
A decade ago, the median income for men in their 30s was $32,901, 5% higher (after adjusting) than 30 years earlier. Sawhill said she isn't sure why men's wages have stagnated.
The study suggests that absolute mobility, rate at which an entire generation's lot improves relative to previous generations, has declined. But within a particular generation, individuals can still get ahead if relative mobility, the rate at which the rich and poor trade places, remains high.
Between 1974 & 2000, productivity rose 56% while income rose 29%. Between 2000 and 2005, productivity rose 16% while median income fell 2%, challenging "the notion that a rising tide will lift all boats," the report says.
11.15.01 Orhan Pamuk NY Review of Books
Immediately after the second aircraft hit the tower, Turkish TV channels commenced live broadcasting. A small
crowd in the coffeehouse watched the unbelievable images on the screen in detached amazement, astonished but apparently without being deeply affected. At one point I felt like standing up and declaring, "I spent 3 years of my life in Manhattan. I lived among those buildings. I walked those streets without money in my pocket. I kept
appointments with people in those towers." But, as in a dream in which one feels increasingly alone, I remained
silent.
In my childhood, when it was feared that the Cuban crisis would give rise to a third world war, I had seen similarly
distraught women weeping, as middle-class Istanbul families stocked up with packets of lentils & macaroni. I went back to the coffeehouse, and resumed watching the scenes on TV with the same irresistible obsession as the rest of the world.
I listened to many other people express anger similar to his initial reaction (which he was subsequently to regret). At the first moment in Turkey, many spoke of the brutality of terror, and how despicable & horrifying the attack was. Still, they followed up their denunciation of the slaughter of innocent people with a "but," making restrained or resentful criticism of America's political & economic power.
Forging close relations w/ America by insular societies like Saudi Arabia that behave as if they were determined to prove to the world that Islam & democracy are mutually irreconcilable is no encouragement to those working to establish secular democracies in the Islamic countries.
It is neither Islam nor even poverty itself that directly engenders support for terrorists whose ferocity &
ingenuity are unprecedented in human history; it is, rather, the crushing humiliation that has infected the third-world countries. At no time in history has the gulf between rich & poor been so wide.
It also might be said that tales of the lives of kings are the entertainment of the poor. But far worse, at no other time have the world's rich & powerful societies been so clearly right, and "reasonable." Today an ordinary citizen of a poor, undemocratic Muslim country, or a civil servant in a third-world country or in a former socialist republic struggling to make ends meet, is aware of how insubstantial is his share of the world's wealth; he knows that he lives under conditions that are much harsher and more devastating than those of a "Westerner" and that he is condemned to a much shorter life.
This is the grim, troubled private sphere that neither magical realistic novels that endow poverty & foolishness with charm nor the exoticism of popular travel literature manages to fathom. It's while living within this private sphere that most people in the world today are afflicted by spiritual misery.
The problem facing the West is not only to discover which terrorist is preparing a bomb in which
tent, which cave, or which street of which city, but also to understand the poor & scorned and
"wrongful" majority that does not belong to the Western world.
What prompts an impoverished old man in Istanbul to condone the terror in New York in a moment of anger, or a
Palestinian youth fed up with Israeli oppression to admire the Taliban, who throw nitric acid at women because they reveal their faces?
It is not Islam or what is idiotically described as the clash between East & West or poverty itself. It is the
feeling of impotence deriving from degradation, the failure to be understood, and the inability of such
people to make their voices heard.
Now, as we hear people calling for war between East & West, I am afraid that much of the world will turn into a place like Turkey, governed almost permanently by martial law. I am afraid that self-satisfied & self-righteous Western nationalism will drive the rest of the world into defiantly contending that two plus two equals five, like Dostoevsky's underground man, when he reacts against the "reasonable" Western world.
Nothing can fuel support for "Islamists" who throw nitric acid at women's faces so much as the West's failure to
understand the damned of the world.
7.6.07 AP
Eight in 10 said the gap between the rich and the middle class has worsened over the last 25 years, said the survey by the University of Connecticut's Center for Survey Research and Analysis.
[ Likely not least because their govt annually tells them so. ]
[ Roughly half way split like electorate in all recent elections, indicating plutocrats are unable to propagate their myths beyond half the masses. ]
[ echo. ]
[ One meme that transcended logic to dominante. ]
[ No scientific validity from study w/ 5% error from only 500 subjects, a waste of taxpayer money. ]
cossacks
Russian capitalism still has muscle behind it
Contract laws are in place and courts mandate conflicts, but sometimes disputes are settled by hired force.
6.26.05 Kim Murphy L.A. Times
Shortly before noon, about 30 men, some dressed as security guards, some in jeans and shorts, swarmed into the showroom, forced Trinity's managers and employees out of the building and proceeded to paint over the windows. The dealership's lease, Trinity was told, had not been renewed by the Kremlin property administration.
"Somebody at the presidential administration wants this facility. I have my hands tied behind my back," an agent from the property administration told Amirkhanian in a tape-recorded conversation a week before the bouncers showed up.
"Are you telling me the presidential administration is above the law?" Amirkhanian queried.
"The president is above the law, of course above the law. We do not live in a law-governed state, though the actions we're taking are strictly legal," the federal property services agent replied. "Bandits? OK, we're federal bandits. And if you want to see who's stronger, you're welcome."
In the new, "normal" Russia, which concluded a strategic partnership agreement on key economic issues with Europe in May and hopes to join the World Trade Organization by next year, business disputes are still sometimes settled by fleets of SUVs showing up at the curb. Men with buzz cuts and big neck muscles get out, and property abruptly changes hands in favor of the guy who hired the neck muscles.
A few months earlier, the Moscow office of billionaire philanthropist George Soros' Open Society Institute was raided at midnight by the landlord and 50 men in camouflage outfits, who burst through a window, shocked the organization's guards with electric prods, covered up surveillance cameras and then proceeded to lock up the building and all its contents, including files and computers.
"You can't legally throw the other party out if you have a rental dispute, but it happens here all the time," said Jamison Firestone, an attorney who represents business clients in Russia. "The other party can't get to their possessions, they can't run their business, so they capitulate because by the time they get it back, there'll be nothing left."
"With Trinity Motors, there should have been a court case, and even then, only the bailiffs can throw somebody out of possession. They just didn't bother to wait," he said. "Actions like that don't give investors warm, fuzzy feelings.
"It sets a horrible precedent, and it's one of the reasons that capital flight out of this country is estimated to be $14 billion over the next 2 years."
"In the early '90s, this was very commonplace. It was the Wild West. And then, it seemed like the country was stabilized. But suddenly it seems like, in the last 18 months, things have gotten worse," said Andrew Ivanyi, who managed the Aerostar for AeroIMP, a joint venture of a Halifax, Nova Scotia-based investment group, IMP Group, and Aeroflot Airlines.
"If this can happen to the Soros foundation, can you imagine what can happen to the little businessman?"
And not just the little businessman. In October 2003, Yukos Oil Chief Executive Mikhail Khodorkovsky found his private jet surrounded by masked law enforcement agents in commando gear, and the oil executive, then Russia's richest man, was arrested on fraud and tax evasion charges.
In the case of the Aerostar Hotel, AeroIMP was forced out in August 2004 by a Russian company known as Aviacity, which AeroIMP alleged had illegally acquired property rights to the building. Aviacity jacked up the rent by millions of dollars and ordered a halt to all subleases at an adjoining office complex. IMP had by then sunk $40 million in the complex.
"Their lawyer said, 'I would advise you to leave quietly. It would be better for you.' The words he used were, 'Or we'll carry you out,' " Ivanyi recalled. "We picked up the papers on our desks and left."
That was a Friday afternoon. Hotel guests were given until Sunday morning to decamp, while Ivanyi and his managers retreated to a room of a competing hotel across town.
"I'm not going to say the obvious," said the hotel management's lawyer, Alexander Skoblo.
Aviacity officials said they were merely executing valid rulings of the court. "We did everything legally," said Marina Khvostova, general director of the company.
"Do you think if they had a lease [that was] valid … the courts could have ignored that? Now they are declaring to the entire world that they were evicted illegally. I can tell you, it's not true."
"They were directed to free the premises. They did not do so. The whole procedure was taped. It is clear no violence took place. So why they are making a big thing out of a small one, I do not understand," Khrekov said.
One of the main sore points for Trinity was that the company had spent $860,000 renovating the building after assurances they would be allowed to renew their lease. Then they were told by Izvestia, the govt controlled firm administering the building, that the lease would be awarded to another company.
"You can hear on the tape where he says, 'Go ahead and record,' " Amirkhanian said. "Either he didn't believe we were really recording it, or he was so arrogant that he didn't care."
Corruption in its many forms is something foreign businesses have to deal with all over Europe, observed Andreas Romanos, head of the Assn. of European Businesses in Russia. The difference, he suggested, is that corruption elsewhere may be "more refined" than the Russians who show up in SUVs.
"If you're willing to bite your lips and go to work in Russia," Romanos said, "your payback's going to be faster and your growth is going to be larger." Ivanyi agreed. After all, nearly 10 months after he was thrown out of his office, he's still in Moscow, ready to work.
"Despite all the difficulties and potential dangers, if you look at the number of multinationals working in this country, the answer is, we have to be here. It's a country with a future," he said. "It's a country of 150 million people. The customers are here."
After all, they point out, the gross domestic product is up; unemployment, at least according to official figures, is low by historical standards; and stocks have recovered much of the ground they lost in the early years of the decade, with the Dow surpassing 12,000 for the first time.
None of the above. The reason most Americans think the economy is fair to poor is simple: For most Americans, it really is fair to poor. Wages have failed to keep up with rising prices. Even in 2005, a year in which the economy grew quite fast, the income of most non-elderly families lagged behind inflation.
But how is this possible? The economic pie is getting bigger; how can it be true that most Americans are getting smaller slices? The answer, of course, is that a few people are getting much, much bigger slices. Although wages have stagnated since Bush took office, corporate profits have doubled.
In fact, once all of Bush's tax cuts take effect, it is estimated that those with incomes of more than $200,000 a year, the richest 5% percent of the population, will pocket almost half of the money. Those who make less than $75,000 a year, eighty percent of America, will receive barely a quarter of the cuts. In the Bush era, economic inequality is on the rise.
For the first time in our history, so much growth is being siphoned off to a small, wealthy minority that most Americans are failing to gain ground even during a time of economic growth and they know it. America has never been an egalitarian society, but during the New Deal and the Second World War, govt policies and organized labor combined to create a broad and solid middle class.
But in the 1970s, inequality began increasing again, slowly at first, then more and more rapidly. You can see how much things have changed by comparing the state of affairs at America's largest employer, then and now. In 1969, General Motors was the country's largest corporation aside from AT&T, which enjoyed a govt-guaranteed monopoly on phone service.
GM workers, who also received excellent health and retirement benefits, were considered solidly in the middle class.
The wages paid to Wal-Mart's workers, on the other hand, do attract attention, because they are low even by current standards. On average, Wal-Mart's non-supervisory employees are paid $18,000 a year, far less than half what GM workers were paid 35 years ago, adjusted for inflation.
Wal-Mart is notorious both for how few of its workers receive health benefits and for the stinginess of those scarce benefits.
The broader picture is equally dismal. According to the federal Bureau of Labor Statistics, the hourly wage of the average American non-supervisory worker is actually lower, adjusted for inflation, than it was in 1970. Meanwhile, CEO pay has soared from less than 30X average wage to almost 300x typical worker's pay.
Now take 2005. The average height has grown from 6 feet to 8 feet, reflecting the modest growth in average incomes over the past generation. The poorest people on the left side of the line have grown at about the same rate as those near the middle, the gap between the middle class and the poor, in other words, hasn't changed.
MYTH #1: INEQUALITY IS MAINLY A PROBLEM OF POVERTY.
According to this view, most Americans are sharing in the economy's growth, with only a small minority at the bottom left behind. That places the onus for change on middle-class Americans who, so the story goes, will have to sacrifice some of their prosperity if they want to see poverty alleviated.
But as our line illustrates, that's just plain wrong. It's not only the poor who have fallen behind, the normal-size people in the middle of the line haven't grown much, either. Real divergence in fortunes is between the great majority of Americans and a very small, extremely wealthy minority at the far right of the line.
This view, which I think of as the 80/20 fallacy, is expressed by former Fed chair Alan Greenspan. Last year, Greenspan testified that wage gains were going primarily to skilled professionals with college educations, "essentially," he said, "the top 20 percent".
The other 80 percent, those with less education, are stuck in routine jobs being replaced by computers or lost to imports. Inequality, Greenspan concluded, is ultimately "an education problem".
Almost all of the gains over the past 30 years have gone to the 50 people at the very end of the line of 1000. Being highly educated won't make you into a winner in today's U.S. economy. At best, it makes you somewhat less of a loser.
In this view, America is the land of opportunity, where a poor young man or woman can vault into the upper class. In fact, while modest moves up and down the economic ladder are common, true Horatio Alger stories are very rare.
America actually has less social mobility than other advanced countries: These days, Horatio Alger has moved to Canada or Finland. It's easier for a poor child to make it into the upper-middle class in just about every other advanced country including famously class-conscious Britain than it is in the United States.
There's a famous scene in the 1987 movie Wall Street in which Gordon Gekko, the corporate predator played by Michael Douglas, tells a meeting of stunned shareholders that greed is good, that the unbridled pursuit of individual wealth serves the interests of the company and the nation. In the movie, Gekko gets his comeuppance; in real life, the Gordon Gekkos took over both corporate America and, eventually, our political system.
It's no coincidence that ringing endorsements of greed began to be heard at the same time that the actual incomes of America's rich began to soar. In part, the new pro-greed ideology was a way of rationalizing what was already happening.
"On average, corporate America pays its most important leaders like bureaucrats," the Harvard Business Review lamented in 1990, calling for higher pay for top executives. "Is it any wonder then that so many CEOs act like bureaucrats?"
What they mean is that a conspicuously self-dealing CEO would be forced to moderate his greed by unions, the press and politicians: The social climate itself condemned executive salaries that seem immodest.
At the same time, there has been a concerted attack on the institutions that have helped moderate inequality, unions in particular. During the Great Compression, the rate of unionization nearly tripled; by 1945, more than one in three American workers belonged to a union.
Today, in the era of Wal-Mart, fewer than one in eleven workers in the private sector is organized, effectively preventing hundreds of thousands of working Americans from joining the middle class.
Once Ronald Reagan took office, the anti-union campaign was aided and abetted by political support at the highest levels.
Under Reagan, Congress failed to raise the minimum wage, allowing its value to be eroded by inflation. Between 1981 and 1989, the minimum wage remained the same in dollar terms but inflation shrank its purchasing power by 25 percent, reducing it to the lowest level since the 1950s.
During the 2000 election campaign, George W. Bush joked that his base consisted of the "haves and the have mores." Not only has the Bush administration favored the interests of the wealthiest few Americans over those of the middle class, it has consistently shown a preference for people who get their income from dividends and capital gains, rather than those who work for a living.
Economic growth went to a relative handful of people at the top. Earnings of the typical full-time worker, adjusted for inflation, have fallen since Bush took office. Pay for CEOs, meanwhile, has soared from 185 times that of average workers in 2003 to 279 times in 2005. After-tax corporate profits have also skyrocketed, more than doubling since Bush took office.
Bush wasn't directly responsible for the stagnation of wages and the surge in profits and executive compensation: The White House doesn't set wage rates or give CEOs stock options. But the govt can tilt the balance of power between workers and bosses in many ways. At every juncture, this govt has favored the bosses.
There are four ways, in particular, that the Bush administration has helped make the poor poorer and the rich richer.
First, like Reagan, Bush has stood firmly against any increase in the minimum wage, even as inflation erodes the value of a dollar. The minimum wage was last raised in 1997; since then, inflation has cut the purchasing power of a minimum-wage worker's paycheck by twenty percent.
Spectacular example of this anti-union bias came just a few months ago. Under U.S. labor law, legal protections for union organizing do not extend to supervisors. But the Republican majority on the NLRB ruled that otherwise ordinary line workers who occasionally tell others what to do such as charge nurses, who primarily care for patients but also give instructions to other nurses on the same shift, will now be considered supervisors.
In a single administrative stroke, the Bush administration stripped as many as 8 million workers of their right to unionize.
With Americans focused on the war, CEOs are once again rewarding themselves at impressive and unprecedented levels.
Finally, there's govt's most direct method of affecting incomes: taxes. In this arena, Bush has made sure that the rich pay lower taxes than they have in decades. According to the latest estimates, once the Bush tax cuts have taken full effect, more than a third of the cash will go to people making more than $500,000 a year, a mere 0.8 percent of the population.
You might say that the Bush administration favors people who live off their wealth over people who have a job. But there are some middle-class "sweeteners" thrown in, so the administration can point to a few ordinary American families who have received significant tax cuts.
Instead, official reports on taxes under Bush are textbook examples of how to mislead with statistics, presenting a welter of confusing numbers that convey the false impression that the tax cuts favor middle-class families, not the wealthy. In reality, only a few middle-class families received a significant tax cut under Bush.
Once Bush's cuts go into effect, he could inherit the whole estate tax-free and pay a tax rate of only 15 percent on his stock earnings.
According to the Tax Policy Center, two-thirds of the Senate tax cut would have gone to people with incomes of between $100,000 and $500,000 a year. Those making more than $1 million a year would have received only 8 percent of the cut.
As to claim that the Bush tax cuts did wonders for economic growth, job creation in fact has been much slower under Bush than under Clinton, and overall growth since 2003 is largely the result of the huge housing boom, which has more to do with low interest rates than with taxes.
We had more poverty, largely because of the unresolved legacy of slavery. But the gap between the economic elite and the middle class was no larger in America than it was in Europe. Today, we're completely out of line with other advanced countries.
The social and economic failure of Latin America is one of history's great tragedies. Our southern neighbors started out with natural and human resources at least as favorable for economic development as those in the United States. Yet over the course of the past two centuries, they fell steadily behind.
But this inequality persisted, Sokoloff writes, because elites were able to "institutionalize an unequal distribution of political power" and to "use that greater influence to establish rules, laws and other govt policies that advantaged members of the elite relative to non-members".
The result, Sokoloff notes, was "persistence over time of the high degree of inequality." This sharp inequality, in turn, doomed the economies of Latin America. Many talented people never got a chance to rise to their full potential, simply because they were born into the wrong class.
When there are huge disparities in wealth,
the rich have both motive & means to corrupt the system on their behalf.
It is also what happens in Congress, when corporations share the spoils with our elected representatives in the form of generous campaign contributions and lucrative lobbying jobs.
"Trust is based upon the belief that we are all in this together, part of a 'moral community'", writes Univ. of MD political scientist Eric Uslaner, who studied the effects of inequality on trust. "It is tough to convince people in a highly stratified society that the rich and the poor share common values, much less a common fate".
The United States doesn't have Third World levels of economic inequality yet. But it is not hard to foresee, in the current state of our political and economic scene, the outline of a transformation into a permanently unequal society, one that locks in and perpetuates the drastic economic polarization that is already dangerously far advanced.
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Bush defends economic policies 6.20.04 Jesse J. Holland AP
Wash.D.C. Fresh off Western campaign swing, Pres. GWBush told Americans the economy is
growing stronger and more jobs are being created despite Democrats' claim that he presided over a downturn for
the country. "Time & again, our economy has defied the gloomy predictions of pessimists," Bush said
Saturday in his weekly radio address. "Because of the hard work of so many Americans, and because of the good
policies in Washington, D.C., our economy is strong, and it is getting stronger," the president said in remarks taped
while he was in Washington state.
But to keep America on the right track, Bush said the Senate needs to make his tax cuts permanent, pass an
energy bill, keep the policies of open trade going and improve schools and worker training programs. "Our nation is
ready to face the economic challenges that lie ahead," he said. "We have millions of confident entrepreneurs who
work hard and take risks and create opportunities for others. We have a culture of innovation where people are
encouraged to come up with new solutions to old problems. We have a great work force. With these strengths,
there is no limit to how much we can accomplish."
Rep. Nick Lampson D-TX in Democrats' weekly radio address, said Bush's term has seen more & more jobs
heading overseas with little done by the president to stop it. "No matter how hard some of our friends &
neighbors work; no matter how much training or retraining they've gotten; the opportunities before them are
shrinking," he said. "America's jobs are being sent overseas; even accounting & computer jobs that we once
thought were secure are now disappearing."
Democratic presidential candidate John Kerry's campaign also weighed in with a critique of Bush's economic
record and his speech. "George Bush is touting an economy that has seen health costs, bankruptcies, tuition,
energy prices, child care and other vital household expenses hit record highs while family incomes have declined,"
the campaign said in a statement.
SEC eases rules for non-U.S. corporations
Wash.D.C. The U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission has decided to ease accounting rules for non-U.S. corporations, a report says. The SEC, after meeting in Washington Thursday, said corporations from other countries that use international accounting standards will no longer have to adjust to comply with U.S. rules, the New York Times said. For now, American companies will still follow the Generally Accepted Accounting Principles promulgated by the U.S. Financial Accounting Standards Board. The new rule is effective for the fiscal year that ended Thursday or after. |
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U.S. current account gap widens to record 6.18.04 Victoria Thieberger Reuters
NYC U.S. current account deficit grew to a new record in the first quarter of 2004, reaching
5.1% of size of U.S. economy, as Americans' insatiable appetite for foreign goods continued to grow,
govt figures showed on Friday. Even though U.S. exports to the rest of the world have been growing at a fast clip
as global economic activity accelerates, imports of items like Japanese cars are growing even more quickly, thanks to surging consumer demand and higher energy prices.
The report renewed downward pressure on the dollar, with the euro gaining about 0.74% against the U.S.
currency. Against the yen , the dollar touched a 6 week low. "Although the U.S. remains the world's primary
economic growth engine, the rest of the world is financing a substantial portion of that spending," said Insight
Economics chief economist Steven Wood.
Much of this gap has been filled by official foreign purchases of U.S. govt bonds, as countries like China
& Japan snapped up dollar-denominated assets during massive intervention campaigns to weaken their
currencies against the U.S. currency. Official foreign purchases of U.S. assets rose $125.2 billion in the first
quarter following an increase of $83.7 billion in the fourth.
Weaker U.S. dollar has helped boost exports, making U.S. goods cheaper overseas. The dollar fell 3% in
the first quarter on a trade-weighted basis. Surprisingly, the weaker dollar has yet to make a dint in imports, which
have become more expensive as a result of the weaker currency. But higher prices have not put off consumers,
yet.
Gymnastics gold evens the U.S. w/ China
Athens Greece American swimmer Michael Phelps grabbed a fourth gold at the Athens Olympics
Thursday with a clear victory in 200m medley and gold for 16-year-old gymnast Carly Patterson leveled the U.S.
with China at 14 each. |
China's shrinking medals lead was defended by weightlifting phenomenon Liu Chunhong, also 19, who took the
title and set a world record in the women's 69 kg class with lifts totaling 275 kg, giving China its fourth weightlifting
gold of the Games. Zhang Jun and Gao Ling of China gold at the mixed doubles badminton and Zhang Ning, age
29, gold in individual competition at a badminton. "Being more mature means playing better and I've never looked
at my age as a big factor," said Zhang.
On Day Six, 28th Olympiad was annoyed by a bomb hoax, disappointed by more doping cases and buffeted by
Middle East politics. Olympic officials backed away from sanctioning Iran for its judo world champion's failure to
fight an Israeli and five new doping cases in weightlifting were reported. Iran had publicly boasted that its judo world champion Arash Miresmaeili, disqualified for showing up over the maximum weight, was told not to go to the mat with Ehud Vaks last Sunday because of Tehran's political boycott of Israel.
But the International Judo Federation (IJF) said that after investigation it had determined that it was not politics that kept Miresmaeili from fighting Vaks, but a digestive problem. He was fully 5 kg over the 66 kg limit at the weigh-in.
"The commission concluded that since Miresmaeili stated that he had no pre-planned intention for not competing
the only point that remained was that Miresmaeili was overweight on the weigh-in day," the IJF said in a
statement.
Noriko Anno landed a record sixth judo gold medal for Japan and Manfred Kurzer of Germany won gold in
probably the last Olympic 10 meter running target shoot. The event is being axed as part of a drive to trim the
Olympics.
In an unseemly row in a gentlemanly sport, France, Britain and U.S. lodged a challenge to Germany's gold medal in the equestrian team three-day event. The three, dropped a peg by Germany's gold, united in an appeal to the Court of Arbitration for Sport (CAS).
World weightlifting officials said 7 lifters from Morocco, Moldova, Hungary, India, Turkey and Myanmar had tested
positive for performance-enhancing drugs in pre-Olympics tests and had been kept out of the Games.
Anarchists claimed responsibility for a bomb threat at the Greek Athletics Federation's HQ, but police said they
found only a bag filled with minced meat and syringes. The little-known "Anarchists' Intervention" group said
"commercialized sports serving records, profits, sponsors and medals at any cost cannot but be covered in
anabolics."
Unsurprisingly for many Greeks, state investigators were reported to have grave doubts about the alleged
motorcycle crash that put Greece's top two sprinters in hospital last week just as Olympic officials were hunting
them for a doping test. They withdrew from the Games Wednesday, maintaining their innocence. A judicial source told Reuters police could not find the oil patch on a street where they said they gone into a skid.
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