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intl investigative journalists' roundtable re links between U.S. power & Africa crises
4.6.01 10am Rayburn HOB rm2200 WashD.C. |
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on anniversary of 1994 assassinations Rwanda President Juvenal Habyarimana & Burundi President Cyprien Ntaryamira |
author Glitter & Greed 2 Conflict Diamonds documentaries: Frontline & BBC resumè Diamond mining & kid cutters |
exposè of U.S. & French intelligence activities in Africa's recent civil wars & ethnic rebellions Investigative journalist: Village Voice, The Progressive, CAQ & Intelligence Newsletter |
When a nation is targeted for Balkanization, justification for overt & covert
operations is almost always "humanitarian" effort to control inter-ethnic strife. Media
generate public confusion by fabricating or exaggerating ethnic & tribal, mini-wars, often
heightened & and paid for by agents of the would-be Balkanizers. For example,
nearly every article about the invasion of the Democratic Republic of Congo by U.S.-
supplied & trained armies of Uganda & Rwanda referred to the invaders'
local paid agents as oppressed Congolese ethnic groups or former members of
Mobutu's army rebelling against the Kinshasa government. The articles often described
"tribal warfare" in breathless detail, citing mini-wars like those being fostered by
outsiders between the Hema & the Lentu.
Severe destabilization of a targeted nation or area of the world is logical and necessary
prerequisite to Balkanization. Media help to promote that destabilization by their
demonization of targeted leaders. Such campaigns often carry overtones of ethnic
persecution, along with accusations of corruption, communism, terrorism, or (but only
when it suits the U.S.) fundamentalism. Even though the western press could not, in the
end, continue to boost Mobutu, their grudging recognition of Kabila was at best cautious,
suspicious and extremely short-lived. After Kabila threw out the Tutsi officers (Rwandan
& Ugandan) who had been installed in most key military & intelligence posts,
usually over the strong objections of the local people, the press's honeymoon with Kabila
was over. As Kabila heard the complaints of the Congolese people about Tutsi-led terror
against Hutu refugees and as he traveled to independent nations like China, Libya
& Cuba, he began to be vilified as "corrupt," as a "thug."
A very shady peace process has furthered African Balkanization, just as it did in
Yugoslavia. The Lusaka accord was not a good deal for the Congo government; Kabila
was forced to accede by implicit & explicit threats of even greater assistance to the
rebels, and an endless war. In consequence, a divided Congo became accepted,
institutionalized reality, a solid line drawn through the country in every map that
accompanies every news story. Negotiations, stage-managed by the U.S., intensified
demands for pullout of all foreign troops from Congo, neatly equating the Ugandan
& Rwandan invaders with the troops from Angola, Namibia & Zimbabwe
invited by the invaded country to assist in repelling the invasion. There is no moral
equivalency here. As President Dos Santos of Angola pointed out during the U.N.
debate, the accord did not even recognize the legitimacy of the Kabila govt.
Kabila has been murdered a year later; the very first peacekeeping forces are arriving
and setting up camp in Goma while the de facto division of Congo has become
conventional wisdom. Outsiders in the east now behind the cease-fire line and protected
by the peacekeepers control some of the most valuable natural resources in the world
while the Congolese people suffer. Western wire service headlines in the aftermath of
the murder of Laurent Kabila hint candidly at Congo's future.
U.S. Military &
Corporate Recolonization of the Congo Project Censored Top Ten Award
winner
CovertAction Quarterly co-founder & co-editor 1978-2001
Institute for Media Analysis, Inc. pres. & dir.
Independent documentary film producer, journalist since 1968
Lies Of Our Times exec. editor 1990-1994
CounterSpy magazine co-editor, 1976-77
co-editor intelligence & media-related books incl
Dirty Work The CIA in Western Europe Dirty Work 2: The
CIA in Africa
member, Women's Foreign Policy Council, Women for Mutual Security board
B.A. Univ. NE 1962; grad Harvard 1963
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4.4.01
exports from the DRCongo were some US$897 million in 1997, a "country" which was in a
major war. In 1998, DRC ranked second in diamond production at 25.7 million carats. Again, a country in a brutal
war where hundreds and hundreds of thousands of people, in fact I think millions of people, suffered the
consequences through disease & despair & displacement and rape and hunger and robbery and often
death. Based on my research, this is a western syndicated proxy war, and like Sierra Leone, Angola & Sudan, it is war-as-cover for the rapid and unrestricted extraction of raw materials, and war as a means to totally disenfranchise local people. Diamonds, gold, columbium tantalite, niobium, cobalt, manganese & petroleum, natural gas & timber, and possibly uranium, are a few of the major spoils pillaged behind the scenes as war ravages DRC; some of these minerals are almost solely found in DRC, esp. cobalt, niobium, columbium tantalite. Barrick Gold provides a convenient example using war-as-cover. According to testimony I took in November, Barrick Gold is operating in the Kilo Moto mines near Bunia. These mines are reportedly protected by UPDF. An Israeli General was awarded another Kilo Moto concession and UPDF and RCD operate others. And there is massive ivory poaching, again proptection rackets, going on. Barrick Advisory Board member Geo. Bush & his CIA connections certainly play into these mining deals and lay the groundwork a.k.a. slaughter if necessary to get the product. That includes long-time links to people like CIA station operative in Zaire; Lawrence Devlin for example, and his associations with the Templesmans. Look at the CIA |
"perception management" of western media
¹ Media reportage on Africa is Marlboro lecture topic 2.16.00 Marlboro College MARLBORO, VT Putney, Vt resident Keith Snow hosting a slide lecture about experiences as journalist, photographer & activist in Africa. According to Snow, his lecture features an examination that compares and contrasts media reportage on Africa (i.e., propaganda, censorship, and bias that perpetuate racist discourse & political stagnation) and political, social, and economic realities in Africa (i.e., dictatorship, human rights, female sexual autonomy, famine, population, economics, & war). Snow also addresses U.S. military, intelligence, and CIA activities in Africa, mind control, and the social impact of Western newspaper reportage on its readers.
6th African Studies Consortium Workshop 10.2.98 Univ. of PA Keith Snow, Freelance Journalist & Photographer: "Assessing Images of Africa in the Western Media" Barbara DeGorge, St. John's Univ. "The Modern Day Slave Trade and the Media: Slavery in the Sudan" Tonya Taylor, Univ. of Pennsylvania: "The Construction of the Dangerous African Other" Vera Viditz-Ward, Bloomsburg University: "Photographers in the Field: Contexts & Consequences" chair: Ali B. Dinar, Univ. of PA & Allyson Purpura, Haverford College SEJ |
All these US military programs like IMET and E-IMET, ACRI and JCET are designed to consolidate US hegemony.
UPDF and RCD have used child soldiers. They use sophisticated weapons, not only the machetes so widely
advertised by the media propaganda front of 1994 which sowed indifference & apathy in the US public. Troops
have been trained by US green berets and US military personnel have worked to coordinate SPLA and
RPF/UPDF/RCD military campaigns. This is according to Ugandan dissidents and/or Congolese refugees fleeing
Congo and/or ex-patriots on the ground. And there are plenty of people who support these statements. Weapons
are reportedly shipped in through Entebbe. Again, people testified to seeing "American blacks", quote Negroes
unquote, traveling in the area, both in Uganda & in Eastern DRC, but they are always very clandestine and
they don't mingle or talk to people. One refugee cited the locations of jungle camps where western, he said
American, military advisors were training RCD or RPF or UPDF guerrillas in counterinsurgency & heavy
artillery operations. Again, this was in November.
Note that the whole Tutsi contre-genocide against Hutus is off the radar screen of people in the US and that's
because the media has covered for the powerful interests and US agenda of consolidating power in the region by
any means necessary. In fact, the RPF have actually "turned" Interahamwe to their service in doing the dirty work
of eliminating any dissidents and insurgents and creating a situation defined by the media as incomprehensible
tribal warfare. It was reported to me that UPDF will disguise themselves as their enemies and attack villages to
provide justification to return & sweep a.k.a. brutalize or rape or pillage these villages. They have also
reportedly used these tactics to substantiate their needs for intl support, weapons and funds & military
expertise from US & UK backers, funds and equipt which was often diverted to the secret US SPLA war
against Khartoum, for example.
But war doesn't seem to be essential to the plan. Multinational corporations, significant U.S. companies &/or
U.S. citizens included, are everywhere stripping the resources, leaving pollution & disease and environmental
disasters in their wakes. And you might probe into the whole classified nuclear waste transhipments programs.
Nigeria, Cameroon, Gabon, Togo, Niger, Madagascar and Burkina Faso provide examples, being massively
exploited, where military repression and structural adjustment and the concomitant destitution suffice to enable
lucrative western control and exploitation. Zambia, Tanzania, Namibia, Botswana & Ghana are a few more
examples where I have similarly witnessed profound human suffering amidst huge multinational profits and SAP.
120 years after the British invasion of western Zambia, an area heavily burdened by refugee flows out of Angola
& DRC and the concomitant insecurity of insurgent nomadic military forces, the people have absolutely no
possessions. The schools don't exist and even if they do there are no books. You cant buy basic staples. I mean
absolutely no food, no medicine, no drugs for malaria. Some 30% of people in Zambia don't even know that
malaria is caused by mosquitoes. But you can buy Coca Cola and Sprite and Fanta virtually everywhere, but there
are usually no basic foodstuffs, no books, no medical supplies. You cannot imagine the suffering until you live it
yourself.
And it is no coincidence that one of the directors of Coca Cola , a US company, is also a Director of Elf, and ELFs
corrupt practices have been mildly exposed but very very mildly. These wars are prosecuted by local warlords,
military dictators and their elite intelligence & security networks, typically armed, funded & trained by
western intelligence &/or ex-military &/or private security companies. These networks are particularly
ruthless. However, again, they are directly associated with in-country western military & intelligence advisors
& their programs incl Israe, U.S., British, German & French. But IMF/WB and OPIC and ADB funds
continue to flow, and they support selective interests & projects and infrastructure which helps their related
industries further expropriate the resources, the people & the institutions. Uganda provides a good example at
war on three fronts and a significant percentage of the IMF/WB funding which has gone into Uganda has diverted
for military objectives. Banks which fund Uganda through intl monetary institutions are often associated with
multinationals involved in the plunder of raw materials. Uganda supported the SPLA war in southern Sudan. I took
testimony from Uganda dissidents who insist that US military advisors have worked with the SPLA & UPDF
against Khartoum.
In Cameroon, Benin, Burkina Faso, Gabon and Niger in 1997, I found abundant evidence of unrestricted raw
materials extraction by interests associated with the U.S. Again, on the Niger border with Burkina, famine, disease,
despair, political repression for the most trifling reasons while right next door there is a Barrick Gold mining
operation. Sumitomo & Japan zaibatsu are all involved. People in these countries know what is going on, but
they can't tell their stories because most westerners are completely caught up in the mental illness of
colonialism & imperialism, which disallows the simple truth to be seen. In Zimbabwe, the issue of land
& elections and Mugabe's intransigence aside, lasting repercussions of the Mugabe "five brigade" genocide
against the Ndebele people in Matebelelands North & South and the Midlands provinces are heartbreaking.
United States diverted its eyes from this scorched earth campaign from 1981 to 1987 where hundreds of thousands
perished, where food was used as a weapon and rape prevailed. Media knew about it but the media diverted its
eyes.
This is all very current in Zimbabwe. The 1990's was more of the same in a more subtle form. The Ndebele people
have suffered untold injustice & terror. Meanwhile, there was plenty of mining & tobacco farming going on
in Zimbabwe and the weapons for Mugabe's dirty little secrets came from where? The IMF and WB funded
Mugabe, no matter, throughout his tenure and right up into the late 1990's. Again, these are big banks like Chase
Manhattan, First Boston and the Morgan Banks; their directors sit on some of the western media boards and dictate
relief operations at a certain level. Supranational multinational corporations like Asea Brown Baveri (ABB),
Unilever, Royal Dutch Shell, Lonrho, Citibank, and Bechtel which gets away with raping the system in Boston with
$10 to $12 billion dollar overruns in the Harbor Tunnel project, have tight CIA & U.S. govt interconnections,
policy interventions, and the orchestration of coups, assassinations, disappearances & wars.
Lonrho is Buckingham Palace; I contend that very powerful U.S. citizens are tied in through companies like Brown
& Root and Halliburton to Lonrho and Lonrho interests. This is hidden by U.S. media. Media corporations'
directors are the same directors of those raping Africa. But too many people have a paycheck to worry about. And
that includes humanitarian organizations and the UN and the OAU and the Intl Criminal Tribunal on Rwanda.
Special torture centers and death squads and massive repression of the population are the rule in Togo,
Cameroon, Kenya, Gabon, Nigeria, Zimbabwe, Burkina Faso, and were so in Zaire. These thugs Eyadema, Biya,
Bongo, Obasanjo, Abacha, Babangida, Mobutu, Compaore, Rawlings, Banda, Kaunda, Moi, Habyarimana,
Kagame, Museveni, Garang, and Ratsikira provide the environment for pillage and they are duly rewarded with
power & all the perks. Charles Taylor was incarcerated in Charlestown Massachusetts circa 1983 or 1984
and he is the only person, I believe, in the history of the Charlestown jail to have been broken out. Apparently the
records no longer exist of his stay there. And now he is President in Liberia?
The whole misery industry profits from the wars, repression and population displacement which their affiliated
institutions and their funding banks and materials providing multinationals create. Hundreds of thousands of
western aid workers would be out of a job if there were peace in Sudan. Who would buy the US made weapons?
The business of feeding, clothing and interning the refugees would be lost by the multinationals who get tax write-
offs or whose products are purchased by USAID or other govt agencies. Depopulation is policy in Africa; access to
the animals, game parks & trophy fishing, minerals, cheap & replenishable labor pool, access for military
adventurism & special forces training and psyops operations. Access to biological & pharmaceutical
testing grounds. Access to markets. At times, it seems contradictory; at times; it is. But it's all completely unethical,
entirely arrogant & racist, driven purely by greed. The profound human suffering is totally unnecessary.
Attended Intl Criminal Tribunal on Rwanda, in Arusha, Tanzania 2000
1998 academic paper on western media mythologies of Africa at Univ. of PA
Traveled, worked or lived in 34 countries since 1989. Working independently in 14 African countries. Directly
investigated roots of unnecessary suffering and violence
Tokyo assignment, Newsweek staff writer, photographer & editor Japan Intl Journal
chair 1988-1989, IEEE Syracuse 1988-89 4 research publications IEEE journals engineer & defense
pgms business development manager, GE Aerospace Electronics Labs 1985 to 1989
BSEE & MSEE Univ. of Massachusetts
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British paper faces suit over Palast investigation 6.29.01 G.Palast
In retaliation for the investigative story about the finances of the Geo. W. Bush campaign, Barrick Gold Mining of
Canada has sued my paper, the Observer of London, for libel. The company, which hired the elder Bush after his
leaving the White House, is charging the newspaper with libel for quoting an Amnesty International report, which
alleged that 50 miners might have been buried alive in Tanzania by a company now owned by Barrick.
The attack by Barrick and its controversial Chairman, Peter Munk, one of the wealthiest men in Canada, who
boasts of his propensity to sue, also aims to gag my reporting on his company's purchase of rights to a gold mine in
Nevada, containing $10 billion in gold, for a payment of under $10,000 to the US Treasury. My Observer story, Best
Democracy Money Can Buy , looked into the activities of several corporations linked to the Bushes. It was in that
article I first disclosed that over 50,000 Florida voters, most of them Black, were wrongly tagged as 'felons,' and
targeted for removal from the voter rolls. My follow-up reports in Salon.com, The Nation, and the Washington Post
as well as on BBC-TV's Newsnight provided the basis for the US Civil Rights Commission finding of massive,
wrongful voter disenfranchisement in Florida.
My entire continuing investigation is in jeopardy. It is difficult to imagine how my paper, owned by the non-profit
Scott Trust, myself and human rights lawyer Lissu can withstand the financial punishment of litigation by the centi-
millionaire Munk and his corporation. In its latest Annual report, Amnesty says it cannot verify the allegations of the
mine killings because the government continues to resist an independent investigation. Yet Barrick wants our paper
to state what we know to be untrue: that independent investigation found the charges completely baseless. Yet our
quoting Amnesty is no defense. Americans cannot conceive of the medieval operation of British libel law. It does
not permit the defense of "repetition", straightforward reporting on the statements of human rights groups are
banned, a gag nearly as effective as Burmese law.
Independently of Amnesty, attorney Lissu went to the mine site and provided our paper with witness statements.
Tanzanians have offered their services to help defend against censorship in Britain, a poignant reversal for our
paper which, with imperial pomp, has launched a 'Press Freedom Campaign' to excoriate developing nations over
gagging journalists.
'10 little piggies,' Adnan Khashoggi & the greatest gold heist since Butch Cassidy
Barrick's suit claims the Observer libeled them by failing to state that Barrick had to spend money to buy other
rights and equipment to dig the gold out of the ground. What an odd misreading of our words. We never said the
US government mailed the gold bars to Barrick in Canada. We only said that Barrick got the gold mine and the
public got the shaft.
lynching by libel law
The Observer's official history quotes a media critic's statement that the papers new editor, "
is expected to
continue the paper's tradition of crusading reporting as in the Lobbygate investigate investigation." In that
'Lobbygate' story, well known in the UK, I went undercover with my partner Antony Barnett to expose corruption at
the heart of the Blair cabinet. But the wrath of a Prime Minister is easy to dismiss and our awards were a pleasant
salve. The withering, costly pounding of an enraged corporate power with too much money to spend has chilled
reporters' and British newspapers' will to take on the tougher investigative matters. Amnesty is, "silent on the
advice of lawyers." And so, the witness statements of those who watched the bodies exhumed, and one who dug
his way from the mass grave, will now also remain entombed in legal silence. |
Bush family finances Best democracy money can buy ¹ 11.26.00 Greg Palast London Observer
Last week, I mailed my overseas ballot for the US presidency, and you can wipe that smug little grin off your face. I
won't put up with condescending comments about America's democratic rituals from a nation with an unelected
House of Lords occupied by genetic fossils and, soon, Chris Woodhead. In fact, you could think of the $3 billion
spent in the US campaign in positive, New Labour terms. Call it 'the efficient privatisation of the democracy', though
an outright auction for the presidency would be more efficient still. If the guy who lost the vote, George W Bush,
nevertheless wins the White House, he'll have surfed in on a crushing wave of nearly half a billion dollars ($447
million), my calculation of the suffocating plurality of cash from corporate America, a good 25% per cent more
than Al Gore's take.
George W could not have amassed this pile if his surname were Jones or Smith. The key to Dubya's money empire
is Daddy Bush's post-White House work which, incidentally, raised the family's net worth by several hundred per
cent. Take two packets of payments to the Republican Party, totalling $148,000, from an outfit called Barrick
Goldstrike. That's quite a patriotic contribution from a Canadian company. They can afford it. In 1992, in the final
hours of the Bush presidency, Barrick took control of US government-owned property containing an estimated
$10bn in gold. For the whole shooting match, Barrick paid the US Treasury only $10,000. Barrick made deft use of
an 1872 gold rush law meant to allow pan-and-bucket prospectors to gain title to their tiny claims. In 1992, Clinton's
newly elected administration was ready to prevent Barrick's stunning grab. But Barrick is a lucky outfit. Bush's
Interior Department expedited procedures to ram through Barrick's claim stake before Clinton's inauguration.
Ex-Pres George Bush was lucky, too. When the electorate booted him from the White House, he landed softly - on
the Barrick Goldstrike payroll, where he comfortably nested until last year. Who is Barrick? Its founder, Peter Munk,
made his name in Canada in the 1950s as the figure in an infamous insider stock-trading scandal. Munk headed a
small speaker manufacturer that went belly-up, just after he sold his stock. This is not quite the expected pedigree
for an international minerals mogul. If we look in the shadows behind Munk we can see the more accomplished
player who provided the capital to set up Barrick, Saudi arms dealer Adnan Khashoggi.
In 1996, a geologist prospecting in Indonesia, Mike de Guzman, announced his discovery of the world's richest gold
field. Munk rapidly deployed his president. Bush, on behalf of Barrick, contacted officials of the former dictator
Suharto who were in control of mining concessions. Thereafter, De Guzman's company was told it would have to
turn over 68 per cent of its claim to Barrick.
While Mr Munk's president did not pay the cost of his rental in Indonesia, Bush could redeem himself in Africa. In
1996, as genocide in Rwanda fomented civil war in Zaire, Barrick smelt opportunity. We have learnt that, at that
time, Bush spoke with his old golfing buddy, Mobutu Sese Seko (then dictator of Zaire) about diamond
concessions. I don't know what ex-CIA director Bush told the panicked dictator, but we do know that Mobutu
granted Barrick exclusive rights to mine gold in north-west Zaire. Maybe Bush talked about Barrick's mining
experience in neighbouring Tanzania where, according to Amnesty International, Barrick's subsidiary carried out
'extra-judicial killings'. Amnesty reports that 50 independent miners who refused to move off the Barrick unit's
concession were buried alive in the pits by company bulldozers. Barrick denies the allegations.
Beyond Barrick, Daddy Bush has many other friends who filled up his sonny-boy's campaign kitty while Bush
performed certain lucrative favours for them. In 1998, Bush père created a storm in Argentina when he lobbied his
close political ally President Carlos Menem to grant a gambling licence to Mirage Casino corporation. Bush wrote
that he had no personal interest in the deal. That's true. But Bush fils did not do badly. After the casino flap, Mirage
dropped $449,000 into the Republican Party war chest. The ex-president and famed Desert Strormtrooper-in-Chief,
also wrote to the oil minister of Kuwait on behalf of Chevron Oil Corporation. Bush says honestly that he, 'had no
stake in the Chevron operation'.
Not all of the elder Bush's work is voluntary. His single talk to the board of Global Crossing, the telecoms start-up,
earned him $13m in stock. The company also kicked in another million for his kid's run. And while the Bush family
steadfastly believes that ex-felons should not have the right to vote for president, they have no objection to ex-cons
putting presidents on their payroll. In 1996, despite pleas of US church leaders, Daddy Bush gave several
speeches (he charges $100,000 per talk) sponsored by organisations run by Rev Sun Myung Moon, cult leader, tax
cheat and, formerly, the guest of the US federal prison system.
Blackout in Florida |
3.2.00 C.Talbot & B.Mason WSWS
This more assertive stance by the US has upset the African leaders, who wanted UN troops sent immediately.
Zambian Pres. Frederick Chiluba, who brokered the Lusaka peace agreement, said the Security Council was
looking for "a perfect score on some performance chart". At the UN meeting, Albright made it clear to African
leaders the "sovereignty & territorial integrity of DRCongo" must be restored "& respected" if they want
US assistance.
After the UN meeting, African leaders were fêted by U.S. businessmen. Maurice Templesman, Washington-based Corporate Council on Africa chair who has extensive mining interests in Africa,
hosted dinner at NY Metropolitan Club. Attending were presidents Kabila, Museveni (Uganda), Mugabe
(Zimbabwe), dos Santos (Angola), Chiluba (Zambia) and Chissano (Mozambique). Templesman himself has
several mining interests in Africa. Executives from the US Export-Import Bank, Amoco, Chevron and other
companies were also present. |
General partner Leon Tempelsman
& Sons diamond merchants; generous Democratic contributor particularly active in the 1980s when he tried to
circumvent the embargo against S.Africa so he could continue to import diamonds. Better known as longtime
companion of Jacqueline Kennedy Onassis. re Sierra Leone Global Policy Forum 12.20.00 chair Martin Chungong Ayafor report
I. Sierra Leone diamonds
94. In March 2000, Damian Gagnon of the U.S. company, Lazare Kaplan Intl (LKI), visited
F.Sankoh, and in a subsequent letter to Sankoh, LKI Chairman Maurice Tempelsman said that Gagnon had
reported 'a commonality of views between you & this company on the possibilities of LKI re-entering the Sierra
Leone diamond business in a manner beneficial to all the people of that country as well as our company'. |
105. The UN embargo effectively stopped this legitimizing trend for several months, and pushed
traders back into their old & time-tested smuggling routes. Because there was no embargo on diamonds from
any of Sierra Leone's neighbouring countries, the ban actually punished the victim & rewarded its enemies.
This has now changed, and it is to be hoped that the new system will attract a significant volume of diamonds back
into legitimate channels.
G. Conclusions on Sierra Leone diamonds
111. At the beginning of 1999, the industry denied the problem of conflict diamonds, and govts
appeared to be taking decisive action. The situation has now changed, with the most specific initiatives coming
from industry. Despite the 12.1.00 passage of General Assembly resolution 55/56 on the need for a global
system of 'rough controls', the intergovernmental process may take several more months of negotiation. For this
reason, where Sierra Leone is concerned, it will be imperative for the Security Council to take early steps on
broadening the existing Sierra Leonean certification system throughout West Africa at least.
By not implementing that part of the law, Govt appears to have followed the advice of the U.S.' foremost diamond
merchant, Maurice Tempelsman, who strongly lobbied against the decision, even going as far as offering to raise a
loan that would cover the national Budget shortfall in return for such a move.
Iyambo indicated at a press conference that there was frantic lobbying from various industry players wanting a role
in future diamond sales after the Cabinet had issued an "action letter" on section 59. "Cabinet did discuss the
possibility of invoking section 59 and, immediately after Cabinet discussed that, many people approached the
Ministry saying they will give Govt more than it is getting [for diamonds sold through De Beers]," said Iyambo.
He later explained to The Namibian that Cabinet's decision was not confirmed as final, thus leaving it up to the
Minister to "to implement or not".
Iyambo said his Ministry had assessed whether the Budget deficit warranted the implementation of section 59 esp.
considering that "we are getting more money [from diamonds] this year than any other year". The plan to put
section 59 into action was based on the notion that open sales of diamonds could have raised more money and
helped reduce the Budget deficit. But under the existing system Govt income from diamond mining has increased
this year.
"My conclusion is that, taking into account the prices of diamonds and what we are getting and what diamonds
have been able to do for the treasury, there is no need to invoke section 59 as of now," Iyambo told the
journalists.
Nyamu in April informed De Beers about the plan to invoke section 59. The London-based diamond cartel that
controls 60% of the world's diamond market indicated that it opposed the move. The section allows for a
percentage of the production to be sold independently of De Beers, with which Govt has a 5 year agreement to be
the sole marketer of the bulk of Namibian diamonds.
Soon afterwards Tempelsman, old friend of Swapo leaders from the days in exile, flew into Namibia and met with
Nujoma to argue that the Cabinet decision was ill-advised. He then sent a letter offering to arrange a N$500 million
loan to cover the budget deficit, while warning that the section 59 should be like a nuclear weapon: "worth more
when threatened than used, and the threats themselves can be made neither too lightly nor too frequently."
The letter was secret; details of its contents and the Cabinet decision were first published in The Namibian in late
July.
James Barnes, a representative of Tempelsman, and tycoon Aaron Mushimba, Nujoma's brother-in-law, also met
with the President, though the content of their discussions remain secret.
Iyambo denied yesterday that outside pressure was exerted on Govt to rescind its own decision. Though admitting
to meeting with Tempelsman, he said the issue of the loan was not discussed. Permanent Secretary Joseph Iita
earlier dismissed suggestions that pressure had been applied, saying the issue of section 59 did not come up when
Iyambo met with top De Beers officials.
While the secret offer of the loan was rejected, DeBeers & Tempelsman have got what they wanted.
Some officials now speculate that the invocation of the controversial section may have been the reason that Nyamu
was removed from the Mines & Energy portfolio.
8.15.97 Chris Gordon Weekly Mail & Guardian
Tempelsman wanted US Export-Import (Ex-Im) bank to provide financial support for the project, which would be
used to buy deep mining equipment. This proposal is virtually identical to a 10yr agreement Tempelsman
brokered in Russia late last year. LKI agreed to build a cutting factory in Russia and to sell the polished product. In
exchange, the Russian supplier, Almazy Rossii-Sakha (ARS) would supply rough diamonds valued at a minimum
of $45million a year. Ex-Im provided the guarantees for a $60million loan made to ARS to buy mining
equipment.
Whether this same deal can succeed in Angola is unclear. It is the only way the US can offer Savimbi a guaranteed
additional income, but the plan has several drawbacks. It will not give Unita the same level of guaranteed or
immediate income as the alluvial mines. Part of the plan is to mine a kimblerlite pipe; lead time for these mines is 3
to 5yrs long. Plus, the quality of Angola's kimberlite pipes is variable, with many quite low grade. US sources say
the Angolan govt rejected Tempelsman's intervention at first but agreed to consider it last month as the scope of
the crisis in the peace process became clear.
If anyone can broker the deal, it's Tempelsman. The 67-year-old diamantaire is close to President Bill Clinton and a
substantial contributor of more than $150 000 in 1996 to Democratic Party funds directly & through his
companies. He first met Onassis and JFK in 1957. His political influence goes back a long way while his interests in
Africa date back to the 1950s. In Angola, Tempelsman has been active in diamonds since 1988 and is close to
President dos Santos. His company has offices in Angola, which buy & export diamonds produced by small
miners. LKI started a new venture with Endiama last Nov. when Templesman met both Dos Santos & Savimbi.
At that time, Tempelsman was reported to be urging Dos Santos to consider the idea of an increased share in the
Cuango Valley mines for Unita. The Angolan govt has agreed to 2 mining concessions for Unita's diamond
company, SGM, and the company is free to negotiate partnerships with foreign mining companies.
Whether the links are strong enough to persuade Unita to accept the deal has yet to be seen. Tempelsman met
Savimbi last month to put forward the proposals. His strong business ties with the regime of ex- president Mobutu
Sese Seko in the former Zaire make him more acceptable to Unita than a company linked solely to the MPLA.
Negotiating a successful diamond settlement in Angola might also improve LKI's standing in the new Congo, where
the govt does not favour diamond companies with links to the old Mobuto regime. So far, there is no indication that
Unita will accept a deal & surrender military options. Unita's diamond trading faces possible sanctions when
the UN Security Council meets to discuss the crisis in Angola. Unless Unita agrees to disarm & quarter its
army and surrender the territory it occupies, the UN has signalled it will place draconian sanctions on the
organisation's freedom of movement & financial dealings. The last time sanctions on diamond trading were
attempted was in 1988, when the US govt proposed to ban diamond imports from South Africa but the Bill
was never passed. SA diamond group De Beers believes sanctions would merely drive diamond smuggling
underground and might undercut the market price of rough diamonds. This is especially true of Angola's high-
quality gem output.
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12.27.02 Michael Parenti CommonDreams.org For instance, the Ctr on Budget & Policy Priorities, relying on the latest U.S. Census Bureau data, released a report Dec. 1997 showing in the last 2 decades "incomes of the richest fifth increased by 30% or nearly $27,000 after adjusting for inflation." The average income of the top 20% was $117,500, or almost 13 times larger than the $9,250 average income of the poorest 20%.
But where are the super rich? An average of $117,500 is an upper-middle income, not at all representative of a rich
cohort, let alone a super rich one. All such reports about income distribution are based on U.S. Census Bureau
surveys that regularly leave Big Money out of the picture.
When asked why this procedure was used, an official said that the Census Bureau's computers could not handle
higher amounts. A most improbable excuse, since once the bureau decided to raise the upper limit from $300,000
to $1 million it did so without any difficulty, and it could do so again.
But by designating the (decapitated) top 20% of the entire nation as the "richest" quintile, the Census Bureau is
including millions of people who make as little as $70,000. If you make over $100,000, you are in the top 4%.
Now $100,000 is a tidy sum indeed, but it's not super rich, as in Mellon, Morgan, or Murdock. The difference
between Michael Eisner, Disney CEO who pocketed $565 million in 1996, and the individuals who average $9,250
is not 13:1, reported spread between highest & lowest quintiles, but over 61,000:1.
Speaking of CEOs, much attention has
been given to the top corporate managers who rake in tens of millions of dollars annually in salaries & perks.
But little is said about the tens of billions that these same corporations distribute to the top investor class each year,
again that invisible fraction of 1% of the population. Media publicity that focuses exclusively on a handful of
greedy top executives conveniently avoids any exposure of the super rich as a class.
2 studies that do their best to muddy our understanding of wealth, conducted respectively by the Rand Corp. &
the Brookings Institution and widely reported in the major media, found that individuals typically become rich not
from inheritance but by maintaining their health & working hard. Most of their savings comes from their
earnings and has nothing to do with inherited family wealth, the researchers would have us believe.
More importantly, both the Rand & Brookings studies fail to include the super rich, those who sit on immense
& largely inherited fortunes. Instead, the investigators concentrate on upper-middle-class professionals &
managers, most of whom earn in the $100,000 to $300,000 range, which indicates that the researchers have no
idea how rich the very rich really are.
That Smith finds the super rich difficult to survey should not cause us to overlook the fact that their existence
refutes his findings about self-earned wealth. He seems to admit as much when he says, "This [study] shouldn't be
taken as a statement that the Rockefellers didn't give to their kids and the Kennedys didn't give to their kids."
(7.7.95 NY Times)
It has been estimated that if children's play blocks represented $1000 each, over 98% of us would have
incomes represented by piles of blocks that went not more than a few yards off the ground, while the top one% would stack many times higher than the Eiffel Tower.
To grasp the true extent of U.S. wealth & income inequality, we should stop treating the upper-middle class
"top quintile" as the "richest" cohort in the country. But to do that, we need to look beyond the Census Bureau's
cooked statistics. We need to catch sight of that tiny, stratospheric apex that owns most of the world.
Let's not forget people in the middle of the rich, poor spectrum
op ed Salt Lake Tribune
ß
¹
When the Human Development Report 2003 came out 2 weeks ago, there was obviously something wrong with it,
but I couldn't put my finger on it. Today, sitting in a campsite at the southernmost point of Turkey (even journalists
take vacations), I know what it was. The document virtually ignored the whole middle of the world.
Western Europeans, we are told, were 3 times richer than Africans in 1820; now they're 13 times richer. Life
expectancy at birth in Britain is 78.2 years; in Zimbabwe, former British colony, it has fallen to 33.1 years. All true,
and about as helpful a statistic as the fact that the richest 100,000 Americans have more money than the poorest
hundred million. A more relevant fact is that U.S. is so rich that all but the bottom 30 or 40 million Americans
actually live quite well by global standards. Income distribution may be less equal in America than in most other
developed countries, but when there's enough to go around, trickle down works.
[ False logic. If U.S. wealth were distinct from, let alone
independent of, global wealth, esp. property, this deduction, presented as induction, might have some validity.
U.S. military campaigns have slaughtered many foreigners and armed the massacres of far more on behalf of
"national" interests measured by those interests' wealth generation for the U.S. ¹
The same is true elsewhere; a lot of countries are now nearing the point where there is enough to go around.
Sitting here in Anamur, one of the poorer parts of an upper-range developing country, I realized what the UNDP
report was missing. Most of the people around here live in ugly concrete boxes now, much less attractive than the
traditional dwellings they have come to despise, but the ugly boxes do have electricity & indoor plumbing and
the roof doesn't leak. They drive like maniacs, but many of them have cars.
The only resources in this region are bananas and a bit of tourism, but compared to when I first saw it 30 years ago
it has been transformed. This is not because Turkish govts have been very good over the past 30 years; they just
haven't been completely terrible. Even modestly competent govt, almost regardless of the resources available, will
produce a reasonably healthy, fairly well educated population in only one or two generations, and in one more
generation they will probably have decent social services as well.
[ Thereby increasing their competition with a prevailing status quo
much practiced at destabilizing foreign nations. Thomas Sankara was no threat to anyone, but he was highly
effective competition.
Again, the false unspoken premise is that national economies are sufficiently independent of one another to nurture
their own citizens even in benign neglect.
Read the statistics of the report rather than the rhetoric, and it's quite clear: During the 1990s, proportion of world
population living in absolute poverty, less than a dollar a day, at purchasing power parity, fell from 30% to
23%. Alas, we are told, most of this change was due to improving living standards in China & India, as if
that were surprising, given that these 2 countries alone account for over half the population of the developing world,
and as though poor Indians & Chinese were somehow less deserving than poor Africans, for example.
Squeaky wheel get greased; in this case the wheel that gets everybody's attention is the accelerating decline of
most African living standards. Some Latin America & MidEast countries also went backward economically in
the '90s and most of the former Communist bloc in Europe experienced falls in living standards (although
everybody assumes that that is merely transitional).
Even more than the AIDS epidemic,
[ When Thos. Sankara & Patrice Lumumba attempted alliances then
w/ those Asian nations for mutual development, they were assassinated by U.S. secret police aka CIA which
recruits its leaders primarily from Wall St a la ex-SEC head nee OSS founder Wm Casey and Prescott Bush &
his heirs. ]
Even the AIDS plague is far less devastating in countries like Uganda that have moderately competent govts.
Extreme rhetoric about collapsing living standards and growing gaps between rich & poor is meant to
galvanize people in the richer countries into action, and maybe it is needed in order to persuade them to do painful
but necessary things like opening their markets to agricultural exports from Africa, but it is also deeply
misleading.
About one-fifth of the world is rich, and another fifth is desperately poor and getting poorer, but the middle three-
fifths is actually making solid progress, not because of foreign
aid or some special political or economic formula, but because it only takes security, sensible govt and time for
people anywhere to climb the ladder. Jackie O.'s Russkie Mata Hari ¹ ² another sparkler for the Gemstone file |
Oct. 1998 Edward Klein Ballantine Books "In trust for Jacqueline Onassis" Maurice Templesmann came out of his office and waved a long Dunhill cigar at teh 3 men waiting in his all-beige anteroom. "Gentlemen,: he said, "forgive me for having kept you like this. Please, come in." He led the way into his inner sanctum. It was filled with maps, heavy tomes on international relations & Oriental religions, a photograph or two, and some mementos. His desk was on one side, a long mahogany conference table on the other. The room looked more like the study of a university don than the office of a CEO who ran a multimillion dollar diamond trading corporation.
Tempelsman was as plain as his office; 5'8", baldish, with a long sharp nose and a potbelly that bulged beneath his
dark double breasted suit. When he smiled, his moon shaped face became suffused with a radiant glow, giving him
the look of a picturesque character in a Dickens novel.
He took a seat at the head of the conference table and, using his cigar as a baton, orchestrated the seating
arrangement. On his right, he put Alexander Forger, Jackie's patrician private attorney.
Starr, in turn, said a few words about the man sitting next to him, Sheldon Streisand. The older brother of Barbara
Streisand known to all as Shelly was a successful real estate entrepeneur who specialized in tax shelters for rich
people.
From time to time, Tempelsmann interrupted to ask a question. He had exquisite European style manners, and
there was not a misplaced word in what he said. But it was clear from the way he cut to the heart of things that he
was made of stern stuff, and was not someone to be trifled with.
They had drawn up all the necessary papers, but of course they could not proceed without the approval of
Tempelsman, who had known Jackie for some 20 years, and was closer to her than any of the other men in the
room. At Jackie's request, the documents for the deal were titled "Maurice Tempelsman in Trust for Jacqueline
Onassis".
Tempelsman was not involved in actual hands-on management of Jackie's money. He left that task to others.
But, since Onassis' death, Tempelsman had taken complete control of Jackie's finances and became the chief
strategist behind all her investments.
When inflation took off like a rocket, and the gold's price soared to more than $800/oz, he told the managers to sell
Jackie's options.
a clandestine life
There were rumors that Mama Mobutu was the victim of her husband's wrath, that she was brutally beaten by his
secret police while she was pregnant, and she went to a private Swiss medical clinic but died. Official cause of
death was given as heart attack.
Mama Mobutu became a national heroine since her death, a Congolese Eva Peron. As friend to her husband, the
man who controlled the world's chief source of diamonds, Tempelsman did not think it wise to skip the funeral.
At first, they were hardly ever seen together in public in NY. However, Tempelsman was a frequent visitor to
Jackie's apartment, where they spent hours conversing in French about poetry, literature, and Mediterranean
& Mideastern history.
Except for Mbandaka, chief town of Equateur Province, there was nothing but forests of oak, mahogany, red cedar
and walnut. The only living creatures were leopards, elephants and chimpanzees. Tempelsman first came to Africa
little more than a boy.
Maurice's father worked for several important diamond merchants in America, incl reknowned Sydney Lamon,
elegant well-educated Dutchman who decorated his office lobby with Mogul paintings. Lamon left lasting
impression on Maurice.
"Maurice never bought or sold a diamond himself as a trader," said a knowledgeable source in the business. "That
wasn't his forte, to be a diamond dealer. He was a diamond thinker."
By then, various heads of state were indebted to Tempelsman, who had better connections in black Africa than
most of their ambassadors. In addition a Democratic Party contributor, in the late 1950s with another of his lawyers,
Ted Sorenson, Tempelsman arranged a meeting with the skinny presidential hopeful JFK who wanted to know
Oppenheimer. |
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"In Africa, wealth often buys only trouble" 1.25.98 Howard W. French NY Times
"The Man who loved Jackie"
"The Man at Jackie's side"
"Onassis' longtime companion was considered family"
"Sorry Mr. Oppenheimer"
"M.Tempelsman's African connections" |
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Tempelsman landed on the Gbadolite airport runway cut from the brush to accommodate Mobutu's private
Concorde, which Zaire leased from Air France to ferry the president and his family to shop in Europe. Gbadolite
was once a modest Ubangi river market town. Mobutu transformed it into a thriving jungle city with its own
CocaCola bottling plant, modern telephone system, luxury hotel and presidential palace. This gaudy white marble retreat was often called "Versailles of the Jungle" though modeled after the Belgian royal family's Laeken Palace. It had its own casino and was surrounded by lawns where lions & elephants roamed freely. There was also a moat which Mobutu stocked with crocodiles.
The funeral took place in a crypt of white marble that evoked the royal crypt of Laeken. Mourner M.T. was
described in secret State Dept cables as a key intermediary between the Oppenheimers & Mobutu. Although
M.T. denied he was Oppenheimer's agent, competitors saw him otherwise.
In particular, farsighted Tempelsman established personal ties with the "Binza Boys", powerful informal
caucus of high-ranking officials who lived in Kinshasa's exclusive Binza residential area and dominated Zaire
politics. As his man in Kinshasa, M.T. hired former CIA station chief Larry Devlin, implicated in assassination plot of
Patrice Lumumba, democratically elected PM.
"The CIA wanted to have an invisible presence in Kinshasa, and that, as far as most of us could tell, was
M.T.'s office. It was supposed to be a diamond buying & export office, but during
those years not one diamond was bought or sold. It was entirely a front." |
chapt.14 Single working woman April 1979 - fall 1985 "an unhealthy bond" "I had a hard time stringing together Maurice's syntax. He indulged in linguistic gymnastics, and inserted German terms in the middle of his sentences."
Martha's Vineyard
Gay Head
3 ramshackle buildings, the town hall, the library, and the fire
station, and none of the understated glitz of neighboring Chilmark, where barefoot New Yorkers in self conciously
aging Volvos lunched on designer pizza at the country store owned by James Taylor's brother Hugh." on the street where she lived Tempelsman's relationship with Jackie was complicated by his wife. In the late 1940s, barely out of his teens, he married 17 year old Lilly Bucholz, observant Polish Jew similarly a Nazi refugee. Her father dealt diamonds in Antwerp before the war and was a minor U.S. player. Maurice & Lilly were from close knit Jewish immigrant community in Washington Heights on NY upper west side. Over the years while he traveled the world, Lily stayed close to her roots. She birthed 3 children and the family moved to a 14 room apt in prewar Normandy building at 8th & Riverside in Manhattan.
"My wife & I traveled with M.T. & wife to Israel after the 6 Day War, 1967, He & Lilly weren't
showing any sign of affection. I was surprised that Lilly went to France by herself. When I visited them at their apt, I
could tell they didn't have a good marriage."
Tempelsman continued to see Jackie as a friend during her marriage to Onassis.
After Onassis died and
Jackie returned to NY, Tempelsman decided to leave Lilly, who'd become a marriage counselor with Jewish Board of Family & Child Services. |
Bill Clinton named Quigley as an important influence during his 1992 Democratic National Convention acceptance speech, saying:
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