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corporate welfare º ARCHIVE SUPPLEMENT |
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Stock-option proposal criticized Start-ups would suffer from new rules, committee told 4.19.02 Nicholas Johnston Wash.Post pE5
Wash.D.C. Entrepreneurial companies would suffer under proposed rule changes regarding the
accounting of stock options, tool used by start-ups & their venture backers for recruiting & rewarding the
best employees, a Senate committee was told yesterday. National Venture Capital Assoc. pres. Mark G. Heesen,
venture-industry trade group, told Senate Finance Committee that changing how stock options are accounted for
could have dire effects, severely curtailing how companies use the popular method of compensation. "This result
would have devastating consequences," he said, "for us as investors, for the companies in which we invest and for
the economy."
For companies backed by venture funding, this type of compensation is particularly important. Those start-ups must
conserve cash and often compensate for low salaries with generous stock-option plans. If a company is successful,
those options can prove very lucrative. "Few aspects of venture investing are more important than attracting &
motivating executive talent needed to manage start-up businesses," Heesen said. Under current rules, stock-
option grants are not counted as an expense against corporate income but can be used as a deduction against
corporate income taxes. "Stock options are the only form of compensation not required to be reported as an
expense on a company's books," Sen. Carl M. Levin D-MI told the committee. This is not the first time changes have been proposed that would require companies to account for stock-option expenses on their balance sheets. In 1994, a similar rule was defeated after it was opposed by the technology industry. The current bill's prospects are uncertain, as the change does not have as a high priority among congressional leaders as several other corporate-governance reforms proposed in response to the Enron scandal. |
tally
¹
Arthur Andersen is put on probation 10.16.02 AP
Houston Arthur Andersen LLP was sentenced Wednesday to 5 years of probation and fined
$500,000 for obstruction of justice for its handling of Enron Corp. related
documents to thwart a federal probe of the fallen energy company's finances. The punishment was the maximum
allowed under law. Lawyers for the firm, a shadow of the $4 billion entity it was a year ago, have said they will
appeal.
Prosecutors & the SEC asked for the harshest possible penalty to make an example of the firm. "Andersen's
conduct in obstructing the SEC investigation of Enron, we submit, significantly contributed to the historic shaking of
the foundations of our markets,'' prosecutor Sam Buell told the judge before sentencing.
Probation seems a hollow threat for a firm that shuttered its audit practice and closed offices across the country
after its conviction in June following a six-week trial. Andersen, once a revered member of the Big 5 accounting
firms, has fewer than 1,000 of 28,000 workers left on the payroll after most bolted to other firms.
"I believed it was misleading from a personal standpoint,'' Duncan said. Andersen fired Duncan in January shortly
after he publicly acknowledged that Enron documents had been shredded. He later pleaded guilty to obstruction of
justice and agreed to cooperate with the govt in exchange for immunity for other possible crimes and the
recommendation of a light sentence. His sentencing is set for Jan. 3.No one else at Andersen has been
charged. "Our company should not have been destroyed because of the conduct of some individuals the govt disagrees with,'' Hardin said. "Regardless of that, it has happened now and (Andersen) has to live with that.'' |
An Arizona judge last month approved a $217 million settlement from Andersen to resolve lawsuits stemming from
the Baptist Foundation of Arizona's 1999 bankruptcy. Plaintiffs claimed Andersen ignored or poorly investigated
accounting problems that fueled the largest bankruptcy by a nonprofit agency in U.S. history.
Arthur Bowman, editor of Bowman's Accounting Report, said Andersen's downfall means the remaining Big 4
accounting firms have to be more scrupulous and more skeptical of clients, particularly if accounting practices are
questionable. "Last year, we had no clue that one of the Big 5 would disappear by now and that is shocking,''
Bowman said. "This is a wake-up call to the other firms that they should be doing their work properly or they, too,
could go down.''
KPMG tied to subprime lender's fall
Auditors' practices flagged in probe of New Century
Sweeping 5 month investigation into the collapse of one of the nation's largest subprime lenders points a finger at a possible new culprit in the mortgage mess: the accountants. New Century Financial, whose failure just a year ago was the start of the crisis, engaged in “significant improper and imprudent practices” that were condoned and enabled by auditors at the accounting firm KPMG, according to an independent report commissioned by the Justice Dept.
3.27.08 Vikas Bajaj NY Times
In its scope and detail, the 580-page report is the most comprehensive document made public about the failings of a mortgage business. Some of its allegations echo charges that surfaced about the accounting firm Arthur Andersen after the collapse of Enron in 2001.
E-mails uncovered in the investigation showed that some KPMG auditors raised red flags about the accounting practices at New Century, but that the KPMG partners overseeing the audits rejected those concerns because they feared losing a client.
From its headquarters in Irvine, New Century ruled as one of the nation's leading subprime lenders. But its dominance ended when it was forced into bankruptcy last April because of a surge in defaults and a loss of confidence among its lenders.
The report lays bare the aggressive business practices at the heart of the mortgage crisis.
“I would call it an incredibly thorough analysis,” said RiskMetrics analyst Zach Gast, who raised concerns about accounting practices at New Century and other lenders in December 2006. “This is certainly the most in-depth review we have seen of one of the mortgage lenders that we have seen go bust.”
A spokeswoman for KPMG, Kathleen Fitzgerald, took exception with the report's allegations. “We strongly disagree with the report's conclusions concerning KPMG,” she said. “We believe an objective review of the facts and circumstances will affirm our position.”
The report zeros in on how New Century accounted for losses on troubled loans that it was forced to buy back from investors such as Wall Street banks and hedge funds. Had it not changed its accounting, the company would have reported a loss instead of a profit in the second half of 2006.
The report said investigators “did not find sufficient evidence to conclude that New Century engaged in earnings management or manipulation, although its accounting irregularities almost always resulted in increased earnings.”
Even so, the profits were the basis for significant executive bonuses and helped convince Wall Street that the company was in fine health even as it was coming apart, the report contends.
[ Then why aren't 'KPMG partners' in custody on fraud charges ?]
In bankruptcy court, creditors of New Century claim they are owed $35 billion. The company's stock peaked at $65.95 in late 2004 and was trading at a penny yesterday. A spokesman for New Century, which is being managed by a restructuring firm under the supervision of the bankruptcy court, said the company was pleased that the report had been published.
The investigation was led by Michael Missal, a lawyer and former investigator in the enforcement division of the Securities and Exchange Commission who was hired by the U.S. trustee overseeing the bankruptcy. Missal, who also worked on an investigation of WorldCom's accounting misstatements, concluded that KPMG and some former New Century executives could be legally liable for millions of dollars in damages because of their conduct.
In the aftermath of the Enron collapse, Arthur Andersen was indicted and convicted on obstruction-of-justice charges. The conviction was overturned by the Supreme Court in 2005, long after the company had ceased doing business.
Missal drew an analogy to Enron and said there was evidence that KPMG auditors had deferred excessively to New Century.
“I saw e-mails from the engaged partner saying we are at the risk of being replaced,” Missal said about a KPMG partner working on the audit of New Century. “They acquiesced overly to the client, which in the post-Enron era seems mind-boggling.”
In one exchange in the report, a KPMG partner who was leading the New Century audit responded testily to a specialist, John Klinge, at the accounting firm's national offices who was pressing him on a contentious accounting practice used by the company.
“I am very disappointed we are still discussing this,” the partner, John Donovan, wrote in the spring of 2006. “As far as I am concerned, we are done. The client thinks we are done.”
A national standards committee at the firm signed off on the company's approach. The accounting irregularities became apparent when a new chief financial officer, Taj Bindra, started asking New Century's accounting dept and KPMG to justify their approach beginning in November 2006.
Most of the mortgage company's executives from that period have resigned or been laid off. A spokesman for two of the company's three founders and top executives, Edward Gotschall and Robert Cole, said both cooperated with the investigation but did not have a chance to review the report. An attorney for Bradley Morrice, the third founder who was president and chief executive in 2006 and part of 2007, did not return a call seeking comment.
The three founders together made more than $40.5 million in profits from selling shares in the company from 2004 to 2006, according to an analysis by Thomson Financial. They collected millions of dollars more in dividends, salaries, bonuses and perks.
KPMG had a three-year relationship with the city of San Diego that had soured by the time they parted ways in 2007. The firm audited the city's long-delayed 2003 financial statements when San Diego faced federal probes and widespread criticism over the handling of its deficit-ridden pension system.
KPMG waited until two investigations, along with an internal inquiry, had been completed before concluding its audit. The work cost $6.6 million; the firm had been hired on a $250,000 contract.
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SEC reaffirms independent fund oversight A week after a court told it to reconsider the rule, the agency again says chairmen and 75% of the directors must be free of ties to the companies. 6.30.05 Jonathan Peterson L.A. Times
Wash.D.C. Refusing to back down, a divided SEC 6.29.05 passed for the second time a rule requiring independent stewardship of the nation's mutual funds, just one week after an appeals court had ordered the agency to reconsider the measure. The SEC's swift answer to the court came over the objections of business groups and was among the final official actions of Chairman William H. Donaldson, who is leaving the commission today after a tenure that earned respect from shareholder activists but angered industry lobbyists who viewed him as an overly zealous regulator.
The rule requires mutual funds to have chairmen who are free of business ties to the fund company, and 75% of a fund's directors must be similarly independent. It was originally approved last year over the objections of the U.S. Chamber of Commerce and other groups.
The Chamber of Commerce asserted Wednesday that the SEC had defied the appellate court by failing to seriously examine the financial ramifications of the rule. The group vowed to continue its legal challenge.
The flap comes at a pivotal moment for the commission, which oversees the nation's securities markets.
The White House has nominated Rep. Christopher Cox (R-Newport Beach) to succeed Donaldson, although his confirmation hearing has not yet been scheduled. Meanwhile, Democrat Harvey J. Goldschmid plans to leave the SEC this summer, and the term of Democrat Roel C. Campos is ending.
The outgoing chairman said he had "no concern about Congressman Cox." Donaldson said his goal for the mutual fund rules was to take "a 90-million-person investment vehicle and make it so it can grow as it should grow. Clearly, I would hope that Congressman Cox will agree with that."
Critics also said the SEC should have solicited more public comment and further evidence to adequately meet the court's demand.
The U.S. Chamber of Commerce filed suit soon after the measure was passed, alleging that the SEC had overreached its regulatory authority and failed to consider sufficiently the costs and consequences of such a requirement.
Eight in 10 of the nation's mutual funds use insiders as chairmen and would have to replace them under the SEC rule. The requirement that 75% of board members be independent is an increase from the current 50%.
Atkins said the SEC should have conducted a survey of investment companies to learn about the real world costs of adding independent directors and sought further evidence. But Donaldson maintained that action was preferable to further delay. |
Suit tests SEC rule on hedge funds
A money manager leads an effort to curb the agency's oversight of the trillion-dollar business. 1.2.06 Walter Hamilton L.A. Times
New York Phillip Goldstein is an unlikely torchbearer for the swashbuckling hedge-fund industry. He was a New York civil engineer for 25 years before launching his fund from his basement in Brooklyn, and he drives a Toyota Camry. "Before that, I had a Corolla," Goldstein said.
The SEC says it must get a handle on the freewheeling investment pools that are mushrooming in popularity among pension funds, endowments and wealthy individuals. The agency points to a spate of recent hedge-fund frauds, as well as the collective force the funds have on financial markets.
Opponents counter that the rule would do nothing to combat fraud but would raise investor costs and sap some of the nimbleness that has made hedge funds successful.
The 3 federal appellate-court judges who heard the case in Washington on 12.9.05 focused on that issue. A ruling is expected this month.
More than 8,000 hedge funds manage $1 trillion, accounting for as much as one-fifth of U.S. stock-trading volume. They're an increasing force in such areas as arranging mergers and lending money to companies. About 40% of hedge-fund managers already are registered with the SEC, either voluntarily or because of other requirements.
The SEC rule generated significant controversy when the commission approved it by a 3-to-2 vote in late 2004. 2 GOP commissioners excoriated then-Chairman William H. Donaldson for backing the plan. Donaldson's successor, former Rep. Christopher Cox, R-Newport Beach CA, surprised Wall Street by promising to let the rule stand.
But other consumer advocates question whether the SEC should devote limited resources to funds catering to the wealthy. The SEC is "there to protect investors," said University of Mississippi law professor Mercer Bullard. "They're not there to protect sophisticated investors."
Goldstein specializes in value investing, often buying stakes in closed-end mutual funds or troubled companies and agitating for changes to boost stock values. He left Brooklyn for Pleasantville 8 years ago but boasts about how he still clings to frugality.
At the core of Goldstein's case is his belief that only Congress can extend regulation of hedge funds. |
There was plenty in that bill and 2 bigger defense-spending measures approved by Congress that would seem to
qualify. There was $8.4 million for a celestial observatory in New Mexico, $3 million for a new public-health
laboratory in Las Vegas, and the acceptance of an estimated $50 million in liability for pollution caused by the
Homestake Mine in Lead, S.D. The Army was also forced to spend $2 million to buy nitrocellulose from a New
Jersey company in danger of going bust. All told, congressional watchdog group Citizens Against Govt
Waste toted up $8.8 billion of congressional add-ons to the $318 billion defense bill. "You don't have to be a pork
expert," says Citizens' vp David Williams, "to realize that this stuff is not crucial to the nation's defense needs." With
the massive Pentagon budget augmented by $17 billion more in supplemental war funding this year, the
opportunities for lawmakers to bring home the bacon were greater than ever.
The old saw about the making of sausage and the making of legislation is apt: It ain't pretty, but it's not that
complicated either. Members of Congress, besieged with requests from constituents, formalize the ones they like
into something called "member request" letters. These then go to a series of subcommittees & committees,
whose members are continually lobbied by colleagues & their staffers to get items included in legislation. In
both House & Senate, 3 separate defense bills, military construction, defense authorization, and
appropriations, work their way toward approval at the same time. For some lawmakers, even the authorization bills,
which are supposed to deal with policy & programs, hold opportunity. A fair amount of dollar-specific pork gets
inserted into them. It's easier to get money for a project if it has previously been "authorized."
The projects get paid for in all sorts of ways. Sometimes they get added on to the president's requested budget, in
the hope he will live with it. (Last year's military construction bill, for example, was increased from $9.971 billion to
$10.5 billion.) In other cases, Congress steals a bit here & there from the president's proposed projects. Then
Congress can just get cute: It arbitrarily decided, one insider says, that the value of the dollar would rise vis-à-vis
foreign currencies for spending on overseas projects. That freed up a cool $60 million. The process also works the
other way, with the Pentagon coming to Congress with its own wish lists. These, in the parlance of appropriations,
are called "UFRs," or unfunded requirements. Translation: Pentagon brass couldn't get certain items into the
president's defense bill, so they ask Congress to do it. Every year, at least a few UFRs make it into the bills
reported out of committee to be voted on by House & Senate.
The bills then go to a conference committee to be reconciled by lawmakers from the 2 chambers. The conference
is composed of the chairs of the subcommittees and several senior members from both sides of the aisle. In the
Capitol, the chairs are known as "cardinals." Only they can perform a feat known among congressional theologians
as an "immaculate conception." That's when a brand-new item is added into a bill, one that has not
previously been seen or heard of in House or Senate. Just before they voted to approve the tanker-lease
deal between Boeing & the USAF last year, House conferees added 4 Boeing 737s for VIP transportation,
Pentagon brass & themselves. Typical of most immaculate conceptions, it's difficult to figure out who added
the 737s, because the whole process happened behind closed doors.
After the conference committee concludes its work, a single copy of its report is delivered to Senate & House
cloakrooms. Then, before anyone has time to study it, it's time to vote. This time, the process didn't end with
passage of the defense bills. On 3.21.02, the White House sent Congress a brand-new $27 billion supplemental
spending plan, of which $14 billion was for defense. Already, lawmakers are plotting to add numerous items of their
own. Then it's on to next year's bills. Last week, a subcommittee of the House Armed Services Committee added
$3.2 billion in items to the $70.2 billion procurement part of the 2003 defense budget. "I would have liked to have
added more," subcommittee Chairman Rep. Curt Weldon R-PA told reporters. But first he had to deal with the
Pentagon's UFR lists and $14 billion of additional requests by lawmakers.
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Enron's pawns How public institutions bankrolled Enron's globalization 3.22.02 Jim Vallette & Daphne Wysham IPS
Reliance of rich countries on fossil fuels fosters a climate of insecurity, and a
rationale for large military budgets in the North. In the South, it often fosters or nurtures autocratic or dictatorial
regimes and corruption, while exacerbating poverty and destroying subsistence cultures and sustainable
livelihoods. Continued rapid consumption of fossil fuels also ensures catastrophic environmental consequences.
Threat of climate change also brings more urgency to the need to reorient energy-related investments,
using them to provide abundant, clean, safe energy for human needs and sustainable livelihoods.
I. Introduction
Since 1992, at least 21 agencies, representing the U.S. govt, multilateral development banks, and other national
govts, helped leverage Enron's global reach by approving $7.219 billion in public financing toward 38 projects in 29
countries. ¹ For example: So linked was Enron with the U.S. Govt in many people's minds that they assumed, as the late Croatian strongman Franjo Tjudman did, that pleasing Enron meant pleasing the White House. For Tjudman, he hoped that compliance with an overpriced Enron contract might parlay into an array of political favors, from softer treatment at The Hague's War Crimes Tribunal to the entry of his country into the World Trade Organization. Only when Enron's scandals began to affect Americans did these same govt officials & institutions hold the corporation at arm's length. And only when Enron leadership revealed their greed on home turf did it become the biggest corporate scandal in recent U.S. history. |
1977 World Bank begins to invest in oil & gas.
1981 Newly elected Pres. Reagan imposes policy prescriptions as condition of support for World
Bank, incl privatization, deregulation of oil, gas and power markets to increase U.S. access to non-OPEC sources
of oil, and increase developing country debt service payments.
1985 U.S. Enron Corp. is born from the merger between Houston Natural Gas &
Internorth.
1986 Ken Lay named CEO of Enron.
1988 Geo. H.W. Bush elected president
1989 Argentina Newly elected leader of Argentina Carlos Menem accepts Enron bid for
pipeline. 1990 Former Enron employees Borget & Mastroeni settle lawsuit, plead guilty of defrauding Enron.
1991 Argentina World Bank approves loan to privatize Argentina's oil & gas
companies.
1992 Bolivia World Bank finances feasibility study to privatize Bolivia's gas networks.
1993 Guatemala: Puerto Quetzal Power Co., created by Enron, who is a 50% owner, goes
on line in Guatemala. Guatemalan President Jorge Serrano proposes power rate increases of as much as 100%.
Demonstrators take to the streets. President declares martial law, threatens to dissolve Congress. When he
fails, Serrano flees the country for Panama.
1994 Dominican Republic World Bank & MARAD approve over $200 million in support
of loan for barge-mounted power plant in Dominican Republic.
1995 Dominican Republic Enron acquires 50% ownership of World Bank-financed power
plant in Dominican Republic.
1996 Argentina Enron & CNPC take over southern Argentina's gas pipeline
system.
1997 Brazil Liberalization of energy markets begins. Enron's Bolivia-Brazil gas pipeline
obtains close to $1 billion in support from Japanese, European, and multilateral development banks.
1998 Argentina IDB provides $375 million toward Enron's pipeline system.
1999 Dominican Republic Enron is among the companies that rush in for a stake in the DR
power sector. Power rates skyrocket, followed by rolling blackouts. Riots ensue. 8 people killed by riot police.
2000 Dominican Republic UK's export credit agency provides support to DR power plant run
by Enron. World Bank tells DR to fully privatize its power distribution network, partly owned by Enron, in order to
qualify for further assistance.
2001 Nigeria (March) Enron's shares in Lagos power plant is sold to AES after govt accuses
Enron of secrecy & bad faith in contractual obligations. World Bank provides concessional loan to Lagos
power plant.
World Bank approves loan to privatize Nigeria's power, telecoms, air transport, and Lagos water sectors.
2002 (Jan.): U.S. State Dept's Larson mentions Dabhol in Delhi meetings with Indian officials.
More than half of Enron's $6.5 billion in overseas assets 6.30.01 were located in S.America. 15 Although Brazil comprised the lion's share of its Latin American investments, Enron had high hopes for Argentina, where privatization was more entrenched and the local currency was pegged to the U.S. dollar. One of Enron's first forays into Argentina began with a call from former President George Bush's son on Enron's behalf. According to The Nation, shortly after his father won the U.S. Presidency in 1988, George W. Bush, Jr., called the Argentine Minister of Public Works, Rodolfo Torragno to pressure him to accept Enron's "laughable" bid for a large pipeline project. Though Enron was rebuffed by Terragno, the successive administration of President Carlos Saúl Menem, leader of the Peronist Party and a friend of former Pres. Geo. H.W. Bush, approved the project. 16
In 1991, while Bush, Sr., occupied the White House, World Bank approved a $23 million loan to help Argentina
restructure & privatize its state oil & gas companies. Following this liberalization, the IFC "helped mobilize
private sector financing for local & intl investors in the oil & gas sectors."17
Argentina, once golden child of World Bank & IMF for liberalizing trade & capital flows, declared
insolvency Dec. 2001, around same time as Enron declared its bankruptcy. One of Argentina's first requests for
aid, when IMF turned it down, was made to oil companies. Argentina's president requested $1.2 billion
"contribution" to empty govt coffers. In exchange, Argentina would not impose heavy tax on oil & gas exports,
the very policy World Bank had been trying to universally undo in the 1980s. Oil companies, incl Spain's Repsol-
YPF, Pan American Energy of the U.S. and Perez Companc, agreed to a lower contribution rather than to an
annual tax. As of early March 2002, Petroleo Brasileiro SA (Petrobras) of Brazil was reputedly eyeing Enron's
natural gas assets in Brazil, Bolivia and Argentina. Meanwhile, private banks, incl J.P. Morgan Chase & Co.,
Citigroup Inc., FleetBoston Financial Corp. & other large U.S. banks wrote off more than $2.7 billion in losses
in the fourth quarter because of Argentina & Enron Corp.19
Bolivia
Dec. 1996, Enron was among the private investors that purchased shares of the 3 new companies: Transredes,
Chaco, and Adina Sam.20 Enron & Shell invested
25% each in the transportation sector spin-off, which the new owners named Transredes, for $263 million.21 Transredes owns great lengths of existing pipelines for
natural gas (3,000km) and oil & liquids (2,500 km). Transredes also holds a 33% share in the $1.7 billion,
3,150 km Bolivia to Brazil natural gas pipeline project.22
MIGA provided a $14.8 million loan guarantee on the project in 1999. The IBRD increased its support for the
project with a $180 million guarantee for the pipeline 12.12.00. As a partial shareholder in the Bolivia to Brazil
pipeline, Enron benefited both from World Bank's capitalization of Bolivian oil & gas fields and from World
Bank's support of the pipeline.
U.S. export credit agency OPIC approved $200 million credit toward Enron's construction of a 390 mile pipeline
& thermal power project in Brazil then withdrew its support for the project late Feb. 2002. According to a
Bloomberg article, Enron owes OPIC $453 million in 5 countries in S.America, incl Bolivia.
Special congressional commission formed in Bolivia to investigate the legality of Enron's 1994 acquisition
of its stake in the Bolivian side of the Bolivia-Brazil gas pipeline, as well as the consequences for Transredes given
Enron's bankruptcy. The commission's 7 members will hear testimony from current & former executives of
YPFB as well as govt officials, incl 3 former presidents, regarding their involvement in the Enron contract.
Colombia
To ensure security of its Colombian assets, Enron lobbied in Washington to increase military & other aid to
Colombia through Senate Bill 2522 that funded Plan Colombia.23a This bill, signed into law, designated nearly $1 billion "to support Central &
S.America and Caribbean counternarcotics activities." Enron is also a member of corporate consortium U.S.-
Colombia Business Partnership that promotes U.S. business interests in Colombia; other members incl Occidental
Intl Corp. & BP Amoco.23b
Oct. 1999 in Houston, Colombian president Andrés Pastrana met with principal U.S. oil & electricity
companies executives, coordinated by then Texas gov. GW Bush. Pastrana rallied support for Plan Colombia, and
promised the major oil & gas exploration concessions and continuation of power sector privatization. Enron
representatives were present at this meeting with Pres. Pastrana & Gov. Bush.23d
The World Bank's MIGA appears to have been careless in its work in this case. MIGA earmarked its $3.3 million
guarantee for the Bahia Las Minas power plant to an investor in the plant named Lloyds TSB Bank of Panama, a
subsidiary of London-based insurance & banking empire Lloyds. We can only assume that MIGA officials did
not read the transcript of the Feb. 2001 U.S. Senate investigation on money laundering. One of the banks
investigated by Sen. Carl Levin's staff was a Lloyds affiliate named British Bank of Latin America (BBLA), "a small
offshore bank that was licensed in the Bahamas but accepted clients only from Colombia
(and) became a
conduit for illegal drug money."23e
In 2000, Lloyds shut down BBLA and its "clients, assets, loans (were) redistributed to other Lloyds banks in
Bahamas, Colombia, Panama and U.S." Footnote 268 in the report contains interesting information: A federal
prosecution (U.S. vs. All Funds in Certain Foreign Bank Accounts Representing Proceeds of Narcotics Trafficking
& Money Laundering, USDC DC Case No. 1:99.CV-03112) seeks forfeiture of about $295,000 in drug
proceeds sent to Lloyds TSB Bank & Trust (Panama).23f
Ecopetrol president Carlos Rodado Noriega, who later resigned over the disagreement, refused to sign the
Memorandum of Understanding with Enron because he felt it was not in the best interest of the country. Enron
was to receive exclusive rights to Colombia's gas exports at very low prices. Colombia would not be able to export
gas, other than that bought by Enron. Although Valenzuela denied the charges, he resigned shortly thereafter.
23g
Dominican Republic
"The power project is expected to be immediately additive to earnings, cash flow and earnings per share in 1996,"
trumpeted Enron Global Power & Pipelines chair Rodney Gray. Dec.1996, the U.S. Maritime Administration
provided $50 million guarantee toward 2 Enron power barges for this project.25
When the govt privatized its power sector, Enron (along with several other firms) rushed in to buy a stake in
DR generating capacity, while AES & Union Fenosa of Spain bought into the distribution networks. CDE
continued to own & operate the country's power transmission companies. Shortly after the private
corporations took over, rates for electricity skyrocketed by 51-100% or more. Consumers refused to pay the higher
rates, and ultimately forced the govt to absorb most of the tariff increase. This resulted in the govt paying around
$5 million per month to the power companies, a sum it was unable to sustain.
By Oct. 2001, it had accumulated debt in the power sector of $217 million, of which 55.3% was owed to private
companies.26 Mounting debt in turn caused Enron &
others to turn off the power, with blackouts sometimes lasting as much as 20 hours, affecting hospitals, businesses,
and schools. By early 2001, widespread frustration with the situation triggered protests, some of which turned
violent after police clashed with demonstrators. At least 8 people died in the protests, including a 14-year-old
boy.26a
After privatization of the CDE, power rates more than doubled and govt payments & subsidies (now to private
companies) tripled. Months of negotiation between govt & power companies yielded agreement Oct. 2001 in
Madrid, Spain. However, further privatization of the CDE (the remaining transmission companies) has been
mentioned as a possible option for a cash infusion for the govt. State power co. CDE, partially owned by Enron,
was reported April 2000 to privatize electricity transmission in order to comply with World Bank requirements for
assistance.28
Suspiciously, the accounting firm that executed the market value appraisal, Ortega & Asociados, is Arthur
Andersen's DR "local representative". Jan. 2002, sparked by the allegations surrounding Enron &
Arthur Andersen, Dominican newspaper El Nacional revealed the connection between the 2 accounting firms.
Representatives of Ortega & Asociados were questioned about their involvement in the CDE privatization &
Enron's operations. Although they have denied any wrongdoing, in a letter to the newspaper they stated that, "This
job [referring to the CDE privatization] was done by our professional Dominican staff, with the collaboration of
Andersen, given its knowledge & experience in privatization & capitalization of public companies in Latin
America".30
Guatemala
The power co. Puerto Quetzal Power Corp. was created by Enron, who initially owned 50%, in addition to operating
the plant and serving as fuel supplier. King Ranch Inc., U.S. co. with energy & agribusiness interests, owned
the other 50%. In 2000, the U.K.'s Commonwealth Development Corp. (CDC) acquired 25% ownership of
the project. The project also gained support from the U.S. Maritime Administration (MARAD), which financed
guarantees on the power barge construction in 1994 & 2000
In addition to the IFC, OPIC in 1992 granted a $73 million guarantee towards this project, and in 2000 extended a
loan for $50 million to expand plant capacity from 110MW to 234MW. Shortly after it began operating, complaints
against Enron began. According to reports at the time: "[Guatemala] Atty General reported that U.S.-owned Enron
Power has not paid any of the estimated $14 million it owed Guatemalan govt for its electrical generation plant
in Puerto Quetzal. The Guatemalan govt collects less than half the revenues owed it, and it is estimated that two
thirds of businesses, like Enron Power, pay no taxes at all."31
In 1996, IFC extended an additional $700,000 guarantee to the project. In 1997, Enron's plant was supplying 15%
of Guatemala's energy. Sept. 2000, Enron requested & was granted permission from MARAD to change the
registration & flag of the barges from Guatemala to Panama, known world-wide for lax & favorable terms
on vessel registration.
When the power sector began its transformation process in 1993, Pres. Jorge Serrano proposed an increase in
electric rates to support a market-based electric power industry. Increased consumer rates totaled as much as
100&%37; for some customers and were part of the principal complaints of the demonstrators who took to the
streets in Guatemala City spring 1993. Pres. Serrano responded to the unrest by declaring martial law, and
attempting to dissolve the Guatemalan Congress. His attempt to take control of the govt by decree failed when he
was unable to win the support of the military. Pres. Serrano subsequently fled the country, and the rate increases
were suspended. 32 He is currently in exile in
Panama.
Privatization continued with Guatemala's 1996 electricity law (Decree 93-96) effectively liberalizing the power
sector. The law placed no limits on foreign ownership of companies interested in providing service in the electricity
sector. EEGSA was fully privatized in July 1998, when 80% of its assets were bought by a consortium formed
by Teco Power Corp. (U.S.), Iberdrola Energia, S.A. (Spain) & Electricidad do Portugal, S.A .
Mozambique
"Elements of the embassy did a bit of lobbying for the company, which I find a bit strange, because this is a
commercial agreement," Mozambique's Minister of Energy Resources John Kachamila told NY Times. He added
that he was "told that other aid to Mozambique might be in jeopardy if this agreement was not signed."
Panama
The Bahia las Minas, Colon, power plant is the largest thermal power plant in Central America. MIGA provided a
$3.3 million guarantee on the plant Jan. 2001, its first ever in Panama. Shortly after the plant began to operate,
allegations of corruption around the Enron deal emerged; members of the Legislative Assembly called for an
investigation. Less than a year after Enron took over the plant, electricity rates shot up, and people took to the streets in protest. People in several neighborhoods in Panama City protested the price increases by blocking major streets; anti-riot police were sent in but no violence occurred. | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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II. World Bank & Enron: making common agenda
World Bank & OPEC oil crisis
Administration officials were concerned that OPEC had a virtual monopoly on the fuels, and could raise prices at
whim, sending shockwaves throughout the global economy. The secondary concern, particularly for Northern
investors, was the fact that, as oil prices rose, so, too, did developing countries' inability to service their debt. The
U.S. worried that these countries, already strapped for cash, would default on their loans.
Reagan doctrine
In U.S. Treasury's July 1981 report "An Examination of The World Bank Energy Lending Program," Asst Secretary
prescribed measures the World Bank should take to encourage private investment in oil & gas development.
The report noted that the World Bank played an important role as a multilateral investor, encouraging private
investment in projects. However, in order to ensure that these investments were not contributing to the
"socialist drift" decried by other Reagan officials, the report strongly suggested that the Bank encourage developing
countries to privatize their energy resources, "to remove impediments and adopt policies which foster private sector
involvement in energy development."
The report revealed the U.S. Treasury wanted to increase investment in the oil & gas sector in least developed
countries (LDCs) primarily in order to "expand & diversify global energy supplies to enhance security of
supplies and reduce OPEC market power over oil prices." The Treasury Dept also wanted to ensure that
developing countries were able to service their debt payments to private commercial & public banks,
rather than lose that money to high oil prices.
The report's authors also reveal their awareness that the U.S. govt was not held in high esteem by many
developing countries, and therefore, the Bank's intervention on this issue was desirable:
World Bank, India, and Enron in 1990s
Nevertheless, in 1991, India was willing to take desperate measures to attract foreign investors. Capital was fleeing
the country, while foreign exchange reserves were low. World Bank's largest client at the time, India, was getting
heavy pressure from the lender to change its policies and allow private capital into certain sectors, particularly its
petroleum sector.
Enron initially proposed to import liquefied natural gas from Qatar for the plant. The size of the Dabhol power plant,
2500MW, would more than double Enron's power production globally. 9
After learning of the deal, India's other branches of govt began to object, and the squabbles began. Meanwhile,
Enron's Ken Lay and former CEO Rebecca Mark began courting World Bank, lobbying the Bank for support of their
Dabhol project in India. Though the Bank refused to support the project, citing the "adverse financial impact" the
MoU would have on the MSEB, Enron succeeded in gaining financial backers at OPIC & Ex-Im, and
elsewhere.
Though Lay gained access to top officials at World Bank, he complained that World Bank officials were blocking
guarantees for their projects. His efforts paid off here, too, with 3 MIGA guarantees in 1996, 1997 and 2001,
totalling $80 million, for its power projects in Hainan Island, China; East Java, Indonesia; and Bahia las Minas,
Panama. However, the East Java project, joined at the hip with Suharto, shared the ruler's demise. Enron then filed
the firstever claim to MIGA. In 2000, MIGA paid Enron $15 million for its political risk insurance claim on the
cancelled East Java 500MW power plant in Indonesia. MIGA demanded and received last year reimbursement
from the new Indonesian govt, citing the dictates of "intl law."
In Asia Times, Tim Shorrock explains it this way:
Deregulation, the World Bank, and Enron
As in Dabhol, India, the changes the 2 institutions introduced made things worse for the poor; protests and
riots, even deaths, ensued, as a result. But in almost all cases, Enron came out unscathed, paying no price in the
form of restricted access to future capital, despite a growing list of dubious & controversial practices.
Since 1992, at least 21 institutions, representing the U.S. (leading the way with over $3.6 billion), Japanese, German, British, Belgian, French, Italian, and Canadian govts, and the European Union, have approved $7.2 billion in financing toward overseas projects in which Enron had substantial involvement.
U.S. Overseas Private Investment Corporation
In 1997, Enron Intl global finance sr vp Linda F. Powers told a House subcommittee "If programs like OPIC were
not available, we would have no choice but to move our sourcing to other countries where financing is available."
Ms. Powers underscored that point by citing more than $1.4 billion in real-world examples, current or prospective
Enron projects in China, Pakistan and Vietnam, where OPIC programs were not available for U.S. foreign policy
reasons. In those countries, she said, Enron plans to use German, Japanese and French equipt & export
credit agencies for those projects.40
Lay presented his intl financing paradigm to a congressional panel in 1995. Citing shortfalls in OPIC & Ex-Im
lending capacities, Lay warned: "We prefer to use all-U.S. sourcing as much as possible, as we have well
established working relationships with our fellow U.S. firms, we share the same approach & experience base,
and we believe U.S. firms are world class in these areas
However, we can only source in the U.S. to the
extent sufficient financing is available here."42
U.S. Export-Import Bank
U.S. Trade Representative
other U.S. envoys for Enron News reports at the time suggest that the late Croatian President Franjo Tudjman allegedly agreed to the lucrative power plant pact with Enron in an attempt to appease his Western critics who were eager to see him tried at The Hague for war crimes.49 Croatia eventually scuttled the Enron deal after Tudjman's death.
other institutions
The role played by non-U.S. export credit agencies (ECAs) may be higher than what this report describes. Export
credit agencies outside the U.S. are notoriously non-transparent. Few publicize specific projects. Most of the
information in this report about their activities has been obtained from alternative sources, incl other intl financial
institutions, corporate reports, and news articles. These taxpayer-financed institutions are rarely accountable for
their spending sprees. Competition between different countries' ECAs is fuelling a "race to the bottom" against
which a global network of organizations is campaigning. 52
Cumulative support by individual institutions described below begins with the most significant known contributors to
Enron's globalization.
Inter-American Development Bank
European Investment Bank
Asian Development Bank
Andean Development Corp.
European Bank for Reconstruction & Development
Japan
United Kingdom
CDC, as far as can be determined, is involved in more Enron-related projects than any other non-U.S.
ECA. It is an investor in 2 power plants in the Dominican Republic, one in Guatemala, and one in Nicaragua.
The value of the Nicaragua and one DR investment exceeds $104 million. It could not be determined from
CDC's reports the value of its sizeable shares in the Guatemala and other DR plant.
Germany
2 other German ECAs: Hermes Kreditverischerungs AG & Bundesgarantie für Kapitalanlagan im Ausland,
also indirectly supported Enron, through unknown amounts of export credit financing & political risk insurance
for Philippines' San Lorenzo power plant.
Italy
Belgium
France
Canada Lofty friends
Lay, Enron's chief ambassador to the govt, found friends in both the Clinton & Bush administrations,
as he explained 5.22.01 in PBS TV's Frontline interview50
Q You went into the White House to talk to people about this? You're in the formulation
of the national strategy, is that correct?
Q The vice president says he met with you.
Q Did you meet with the president and speak with him about energy policy?
Q When we interviewed VP Cheney, I asked him, "Had you met with any CEOs of any energy
companies in the preparation of a national energy policy?"
Q You understand when people read this in the paper
EGS's assets incl pipeline systems located throughout N.America and Portland General Electric, the utility serving Portland, OR, which was acquired by NW Natural from Enron Oct. 2001.4 Enron also owned wind farms in IA, CA and MN, although GE Power Systems announced 2.20.02 it signed a deal with Enron to purchase its wind operations. This transaction, subject to regulatory & Bankruptcy Court approval, is expected to close April 2002.
Its European assets include a half share in a Teesside, UK, power plant as well as stakes in plants in Turkey,
Poland, Italy, Croatia, and Spain. Wessex Water, its Bristol water co., was thought to be worth $1.8 billion 9.30.01.
Enron Wind, with operations in Germany, Greece, Sweden, Spain, and North America, was sold to AES
Corporation Jan.2002. In Asia, Enron is trying to sell a majority stake in its Dabhol, India power plant, and stakes in plants in the Philippines & China. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
V. Summary tables
OPIC U.S. Overseas Private Investment Corp.
Ex-Im U.S. Export-Import Bank
"others"
(c) Proposed; not yet approved
(i) COFACE (France, $90 million) & SACE (Italy, $40 million)
(k) U.S. Maritime Administration guaranteed 2 bond issues ($84 million total);
"British & German development finance institutions" provided $15 million in assistance per World
Bank. CDC is also an investor.
(l) Inter-American Development Bank ($240 million), European Investment Bank ($60 million), Japanese
& Italian ECAs ($346 million), Andean Development Corp. (Corp. Andina de Fomento, CAF, a regional
development bank, $165 million)
(m) European Investment Bank (EIB); also, Mediocredito Centrale (Italy) was co-financier of syndicated
loans.
(n) Japanese Bank for Intl Cooperation (JBIC, formerly Japan Export-Import Bank, $258 million), Japanese
Ministry of intl Trade & Industry (MITI, $175 million), Office Nationale du Ducroire (OND, Belgium, $90.8
million)
(o) Kreditanstalt für Wiederaufbau (KfW, Germany)
(q) U.S. Trade & Development Agency n/a Not available or not applicable
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